By
Michael Brendan Dougherty
Friday,
June 30, 2023
The emotions
around elite college admissions run high for almost every single person writing
about politics, almost every politician, and many more who long ago went
through the college-application gauntlet. Why?
Simple.
That college-application gauntlet is a major feature in selecting our political
and cultural elite. Look no further than the Supreme Court itself: Eight out of
nine went through Harvard or Yale Law School; the only exception is Amy Coney
Barrett, who was just summa cum laude at Notre Dame. People are right to
believe that a change in the behavior of admissions offices at these
universities means a change for our nation in the long run.
The Ivy
League lost its first monopoly on power in America because the American South
had disproportionate political power and because America kept expanding
westward. The academic corridor running from New Haven, Conn., to Bowdoin,
Maine, became unfit for national leadership. This diminishment was reflected in
the similar decline of the Federalists and “Adams men” in American political
life. By the 1960s it looked like the California state system might be a threat
to it. And yet, as travel became cheaper and top students from around the
country could more easily make the trip to the East Coast, the Ivy League
managed to reconsolidate and increase its hold over the American elite even as
it continued to admit fewer and fewer students relative to the entire American
population. This consolidation has consequences, and I suspect one of them is
the pervasive level of groupthink among elites.
But it
doesn’t have to be this way. The United Kingdom has two top universities,
Oxford and Cambridge. But France doesn’t surrender its entire elite to the
Sorbonne. Instead, France also has its extensive system of “grandes écoles,”
which teach a variety of disciplines important to civic life. Charles de Gaulle
came out of the military academy Saint-Cyr. More recently, France has had a run
of graduates from a grande école dedicated to political science, known
colloquially as Sciences Po. France’s intellectual life
remains more diverse and less immediately captured by its political parties.
Because
the Ivies themselves have stopped growing with the overall population, and now
because the law is going to force them to get
more creative as they curate and socially engineer the elite, there are
opportunities for other institutions to reform and compete. It just would take
an injection of ambition and creativity.
Our
military academies should feature a truly elite academic track, but they
currently don’t. Such institutions could have provided a very different
formation for the elite than what was available at the Ivies. And nothing is
preventing a group of states from co-founding a regional university and then
trying to make it competitive with the old schools of New England.
Perhaps
the greatest pity is that those groups of Americans who felt in the past that
the traditional American institutions weren’t welcoming to them stopped short
of building institutions that were truly competitive with them in turning out
an American elite. Notre Dame University grew and fell somewhat with the influence
of Irish-American Catholics. But it became satisfied with a top-tier football
program, not with turning out those who would be as desirable as Ivy grads in
the top institutions of American national life. The same goes for historically
black universities and colleges. These universities still do good work, but
their mission would be so much more inspiring if they leveled up to the very
top tier.
Many of
the Ivies started as seminaries for the clergy. So existing seminaries could
expand again and try to produce top minds in business, the arts, and sciences.
For example, Westminster Theological Seminary broke away from Princeton almost
a century ago. Why should the Presbyterian clergy have a near monopoly on the
type of Calvinist scholars that Westminster can produce?
The
stranglehold of the Ivy League on our elite has been bad for everyone. It
impedes the circulation of elites that is healthy for a society. It turns the
childhoods of our elite into a meritocratic gauntlet. And it produced our
presidential leadership from 1993 to 2017, leading to the inevitable backlash
in the form of Trump.
We have
it in our power to build more avenues to success and influence in America life,
to make our elite reflect better the diversity of our regions, religions, and,
yes, our races, too. The future of our country should not be processed and
evaluated by a handful of insular admissions offices.
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