By Nate
Sibley
Wednesday,
June 21, 2023
The United
States spent more than two decades battling al-Qaeda, ISIS, Boko Haram, and
other terrorist organizations that aspired to statehood. In Russia, it
confronts a collapsing state whose degeneracy increasingly resembles that of a
terrorist organization.
Indiscriminate
missile and artillery strikes, massacres, torture, and rape are designed to
traumatize Ukraine’s civilian population and exhaust its will to resist
Moscow’s revanchist aggression. Similarly brutal tactics have been employed
across Africa and the Middle East by the Wagner Group, the Kremlin proxy force
masquerading as a private military company. Calls are understandably growing for Western allies to formally
recognize Russian atrocities as terrorist acts, and to respond to them more
robustly.
In the
United States, this debate involves two key considerations. The first is
whether the State Department should designate the Wagner Group a foreign
terrorist organization (FTO). The second is whether Russia itself could then be formally
designated a state sponsor
of terrorism. Both
designations would go far beyond existing proscriptions, with potentially
devastating consequences for Russia’s war in Ukraine.
Wagner
and its commander, the caterer-turned-warlord Yevgeny Prigozhin, were
first placed under U.S. sanctions in 2017
for their role as “little green men” during Russia’s initial invasion of
Ukraine. Additional sanctions and export
controls have
continued to pile up against the group, and it was recently designated not only
a transnational
criminal organization but
also a threat to international
religious freedom.
These
measures, which have few significant legal ramifications, are becoming
duplicative at best and performative at worst. Wagner is structured so as to
avoid U.S. jurisdiction, with the consequence that its expansion in Africa and
operations in Ukraine have continued largely unimpeded by sanctions.
Designating
Wagner an FTO, by contrast, would mark a substantial escalation in U.S.
pressure. In particular, it would bring into play a powerful extraterritorial
statute that criminalized the provision of “material support” to the group in
the form of payment, equipment, or almost any other type of engagement. This is
the most powerful
deterrent America
has to stop foreign leaders, companies, and individuals from doing business
with its adversaries. It could choke Wagner’s finances, disrupt its logistics,
and hobble its military operations at precisely the moment when exhaustion in
Ukraine has left the group most vulnerable.
Despite
this golden opportunity, the Biden administration has not made any determination on
designating Wagner an FTO, and it clearly does not intend to do so. This
position is consistent with the White House’s not only dragging its feet on
delivering the weapons systems that Ukraine needs to win the war, but
refraining from the legal and economic measures needed to exsanguinate Russia’s
economy.
Exasperated
members of Congress are advancing the bipartisan HARM Act to force Secretary Blinken’s
hand, but it seems that some members, too, are now getting cold feet.
The
Biden team’s primary concern is that criminalizing material support for Wagner
would alienate the rulers of the Central African
Republic, Mali, and other African countries that have retained the group to
prop up their regimes, often in return for mining rights and other valuable
concessions. It is true that Washington can ill-afford to lose friends in the
face of rising Chinese and Russian influence across a continent that it has
traditionally neglected. But ultimately, the strategic value of accommodating a
handful of corrupt anti-Western autocrats pales in comparison to that of
hastening Russia’s defeat in Ukraine.
Others
argue that Wagner cannot be a terrorist group because it is motivated by
profit. Wagner may not be as overtly ideological as the Islamist groups and
communist insurgencies that dominate the FTO list, but it is both a product and
propagator of Vladimir Putin’s deranged visions of a restored Russian Empire.
A
related objection is that Wagner is so closely integrated with Russia’s
military that its atrocities are better characterized as war crimes. But the
administration has already identified it as a separate entity, and in any case,
other state-affiliated groups such as Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps
have already been hit with an FTO designation.
Designating
Wagner an FTO is not only “richly deserved and long overdue,” as Senator
Lindsey Graham and Boris Johnson wrote recently. It would also
strengthen the case for identifying Russia itself as a state sponsor of
terrorism, reducing it to the same pariah status as Cuba, Iran, North Korea,
and Syria. Unlike the current piecemeal sanctions regime, this would
unequivocally boot Russia from the global financial system and threaten U.S.
charges against anyone who continued to trade with it, including Chinese and
Indian firms.
This is
obviously a far more drastic step than targeting Wagner alone, and one that
even the most hawkish administration would need to coordinate carefully. But
instead of sustaining the half-measures currently in place, total isolation for
Russia is the direction in which a stronger president would now be moving
conversations with allies and partners. The status quo, by contrast, is an
abrogation of U.S. leadership that prolongs Ukraine’s suffering and emboldens
America’s adversaries worldwide.
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