By Jimmy Quinn
Wednesday, February 17, 2021
When it comes to China’s genocide of the Uyghur people,
Biden has some trouble getting his point across.
The president was in Milwaukee last night answering
questions during a televised town-hall event, when the host, CNN’s Anderson
Cooper, asked if Biden spoke about China’s human rights violations during his
call last week with Xi Jinping. What followed was a mess of an answer about
Xi’s brutal Uyghur crackdown. During a winding explanation of how the Chinese
leadership views the world, Biden said “Culturally, there are different norms
that each country and their leaders are expected to follow.”
Many interpreted this as some kind of justification for
the Chinese Communist Party’s drive to wipe out Turkic minorities in Xinjiang.
If that were true, the president’s comment would fly in the face of what he has
previously said about the plight of the Uyghur people. In fact, Biden, who as
early as August called the Xinjiang crisis a genocide, ultimately told Cooper,
“there will be repercussions. And [Xi] knows that.” Although it’s possible that
his cultural-norm comments were some ham-fisted attempt at shielding Xi from
criticism, it’s more likely that the president had his foot in his mouth as he
attempted to explain his obligation to speak out about human-rights abuses.
Still, the incident sheds light on the Biden
administration’s broader confusion when it comes to confronting Xi. If the president
believes that the CCP is perpetrating a genocide (White House press secretary
Jen Psaki recently confirmed that he does), he should lead with a clear
condemnation of the Chinese regime’s mass atrocities, not a recounting of the
time he spent getting to know the man responsible for 21st-century
concentration camps as he did last night. He should be making the case for his
conclusions about this barbarity, and that understanding of the regime’s
conduct should play a role in every decision he makes with regard to China
policy.
The new team has taken drastic steps to put human rights
first in foreign-policy decision making. In the Gulf, this has translated to a
freeze on arms sales to the UAE and Saudi Arabia out of concern that these
weapons will be used to target civilians in Yemen. The State Department has
signaled its desire to build an international partnership to address the
military coup in Burma — Biden even gave a brief podium statement announcing
sanctions on the official responsible. No one can accuse the Biden
administration of shying away from bold pronouncements about human-rights
abuses.
This human-rights-oriented approach has also guided its
engagement with China. Both Biden and Secretary of State Antony Blinken raised
Beijing’s severe human-rights abuses during their calls with their Chinese
counterparts, and both consistently raise these concerns in their public
speeches. On several occasions, Blinken has confirmed that he agrees with his
predecessor’s finding that Beijing is carrying out crimes against humanity and
genocide against the Uyghurs. The administration has also been clear that the
U.S. is in competition with China, even “extreme competition,” as Biden
recently put it.
But these officials apparently have trouble answering the
question that logically flows from their condemnations: Can the United States
seek any form of engagement with a regime carrying out forced sterilizations,
systematic rape, and other unspeakable horrors?
Blinken thinks that the U.S. can deal with such a regime,
even as it carries out an extermination of one of the ethnic minority groups
under its control. He told NPR’s Mary Louise Kelly yesterday, “This has been a
challenge for American administrations going back decades and decades, and we
have to be able to find ways to do both.” Kelly then asked if the U.S. should
boycott the 2022 Beijing Olympics. Blinken emphasized the need to prevent the
importation of goods produced by the Xinjiang forced-labor system. “But we have
to be able to do multiple things at the same time,” he said, pointing to Russia
to show that Washington can cut deals with the regime it simultaneously
condemns, and apparently echoing Biden’s recent pledge to “work with Beijing, when
it’s in America’s interest to do so.”
Vladimir Putin has relentlessly targeted his political
opponents with arbitrary detention and assassination. But the Chinese campaign
to wipe out the Uyghurs amounts to an international emergency of a different
category and a far larger scope. Despite
the clear evidence, such as harrowing victim testimonies, that these crimes are
in fact taking place, Beijing has recruited dozens of countries to endorse its
actions as a benign counterterrorism campaign and executed a global
disinformation campaign to dispute the allegations that it faces. The Chinese
leadership’s grip on Xinjiang demonstrates a technological sophistication and a
diplomatic savvy that has so far shielded it from facing international
pushback.
Can the United States “do multiple things at the same
time” when it comes to the Chinese party-state’s mass atrocities? Not if its
priority is to turn Beijing into an international pariah, rather than a
champion of multilateral action on climate change and global public health.
The Biden administration pledged to turbocharge the international response to the Uyghur crisis in a way that the previous one, due to its constant needling of U.S. allies, couldn’t. But Biden and Blinken can’t claim to do that if their rhetoric about cooperation with the world’s most influential perpetrator of genocide doesn’t match the urgency with which they must act, and if Biden keeps flubbing questions with such clear answers.
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