By Noah Rothman
Friday, February 26, 2021
In his effort to drum up support for the nearly $2
trillion COVID relief package meandering its way through Congress, the Biden
White House’s unusually forward-facing chief of staff, Ron Klain, has engaged
in some rhetorical sleight of hand. The bill, he insists, is “bipartisan.”
Not in the definitional sense, of course, insofar as representatives of one of
America’s two parties in Congress remain largely skeptical of the proposal. In
Klain’s poetic reimagining of the word, “bipartisan” describes the level of
support the package receives in polls from both self-described Democrats and
Republicans.
Klain’s prestidigitation is a clever act. Who doesn’t
like bipartisanship? At a time when the country’s divisions are on full
display, only a true misanthrope would stand athwart this outbreak of
interparty collaboration. But by resting his argument not on the bill’s
immutable features but the shifting winds of public opinion, Klain and his
fellow Democrats are playing a dangerous game.
The agony of the Bernie Sanders wing of the Democratic
Party notwithstanding, the Senate
parliamentarian’s verdict, which will strip the COVID relief bill of one
insurmountable sticking point—hiking the federal minimum wage to $15—must have
been welcome news in the Biden White House. The conventional wisdom is now that
the bill is on a glide path toward passage. Again, who can resist the demands
of two-thirds of the voting public? And Democrats have every reason to
anticipate that the bill will be a political benefit well into the 2022 midterm
cycle.
If it’s popular now, just wait until its stimulative
effects begin to be felt. Even if its economic impacts are more muted than the
bill’s boosters expect, financial forecasters expect the American economy to
grow at a fantastic rate in 2021 as the pandemic recedes and a year’s worth of
pent-up demand manifests in consumer spending. If that bonanza isn’t directly
attributable to stimulus spending, so what? Democrats will take the credit for
it anyway, much as they have for the COVID vaccine regime they inherited. There
are no downsides. Right?
Perhaps. But the bill as it is currently written provides
its critics with ample opportunities to sever its effects from the economy’s
performance. Some of those pitfalls could have an unexpectedly long tail.
Take the “relief” provided to federal workers who are
experiencing hardships associated with school closures. The “Emergency Federal
Employee Leave Fund” within the “American Rescue Plan Act” sets aside $570
million for federal employees who are the parents of school-age children so
long as their “place of care” is closed or hybridized. Full-time employees of
the federal government can claim up to $1,400 per week until September 30 so
long as their children are shut out of their public (not private) school.
But why are their children not in public school?
In Washington D.C. and the surrounding counties in Virginia and Maryland, it’s
not out of deference to the vicissitudes of the pandemic. Those schools are
closed because the unionized educational workforce wants them to be closed, and
they have been particularly obdurate about it. In Fairfax County, Virginia, for
example, the school system demanded and received high-priority placement for
teachers and administrators on the list of vaccine-eligible workers. But then
the goalposts moved. Suddenly, the local union began insisting that normalcy
couldn’t return until students were vaccinated, too. But the vaccine hasn’t
even been approved for children, and that isn’t likely to change until early
2022.
If past performance is indicative of future results, when
we finally reach that milestone, you can bet that there will be some new
stipulation that will perpetuate the pandemic’s status quo. Now add to this
dynamic a carveout for federal workers that creates financial incentives to
keep children out of school.
Let’s call this what it is: A conspiracy of Democratic
interests rewarding each other for nonperformance at the expense of the general
public. That is the sort of thing that cuts through the clutter. Republicans
will have an honest and valid grievance to litigate, and it is one that can and
should be evaluated entirely independently of how the economy is performing.
Klain’s determination to hang his hat on the polls could
easily come back to bite him if provisions like these become law. It’s not hard
to imagine a backlash against such a shameless payout for federal workers—one
that is designed not to get America back to “normal” but to preserve the
present abnormality in amber. What’s more, you could certainly see that
backlash earning the support of a handful of Democratic poll respondents. In
that event, Republicans would have every right to claim the outrage over
Democratic gamesmanship was overwhelming, intractable, and truly bipartisan.
And who could argue against that?
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