By Noah Rothman
Thursday, February 25, 2021
In 1985, President Ronald Reagan and Soviet General
Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev adopted a joint statement acknowledging what seemed
like a simple truth: “A nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought.”
That is not strictly true.
Then as now, the popular conception of a nuclear war
envisions a global conflagration that sterilizes the surface of the earth,
rendering victory in such a contest a hollow prize. That’s the most fearsome
scenario, but not necessarily the likeliest. During the Cold War, nuclear
war-fighting was not only conceivable; scenarios in which one side or the other
could “win” that sort of conflict were not hard to imagine.
By the early 1970s, both the defense industry and private
organizations had begun to
paint frightening portraits of what a nuclear exchange might really look
like. One such scenario that kept war planners up at night was the prospect
that a peer competitor like the Soviet Union could launch a targeted strike on
America’s Ground-Based Strategic Deterrent (e.g., its ballistic missile silos),
taking most of those forces out of commission. The United States and its allies
could respond, of course. Most of their arsenals would remain intact. But how?
America’s surviving delivery systems—submarines and
bombers, primarily—would not be able to neutralize the Soviet Union’s remaining
nuclear forces. The West would have little choice but to reciprocate against
“value” targets—including civilian population centers. Of course, such a
response would result in another Soviet volley targeting the West’s “value
targets,” producing the kind of apocalypse that more closely aligns with
popular culture’s idea of what a nuclear war should look like. In such a
scenario, “there would be strong pressures on us to halt the conflict,” said
the former director of the Pentagon’s Nuclear Targeting Policy Review panel, Leon
Sloss. In that event, the United States would not have been deterred by the
Soviet Union, per se, but it would have been “self-deterred” by the prospect of
unimaginable death and destruction. In short: They win, we lose.
The basic laws of physics governing deterrence theory did
not end along with the Cold War. While the United States does not have any peer
competitors to worry about, the conditions that could precipitate a limited
nuclear exchange with terrifying consequences that fall short of an
extinction-level event still loom large.
“Would the coalition have waged Operation Desert Storm or
Operation Iraqi Freedom had Saddam Hussein had a nuclear capability?” the RAND
corporation asked in 2012. “Most often, the answer is probably not, meaning
that big arsenals can be defanged by dictators with a handful of nuclear
weapons.” This hypothetical scenario has become more urgent with the growing
threat posed by North Korea’s functional nuclear arsenal and Iran’s covert
nuclear program. “An even more worrisome meaning of self-deterrence is the
reticence, or the refusal, to exert nuclear deterrence in any event,”
RAND’s report continued. “Without the threat of use, use may become more likely
… Self-deterrence encourages the proliferation of WMDs. And it may become an
invitation to actually use them.”
These considerations contributed to Barack Obama’s
reluctant decision to shed his ideological hostility toward nuclear weapons and
greenlight a modernization program in 2016. The goal was to develop “adjustable
yield” bombs and medium-range delivery systems that can penetrate hardened
bunkers. Those would, according to the Pentagon, present a “tailored nuclear
option for limited use” to “give the president more options than a manned
bomber to penetrate air defenses” and create “more strategic stability.” The
keyword here is “president.”
The split-second decision-making necessary to respond to
a nuclear crisis to preserve America’s deterrent capacity has long been the
president’s exclusive province. But that unilateral authority has also been a
source of frustration and anxiety among nuclear weaponry’s ideological
opponents. Such sentiments are alive and well in the Democrat-led Congress. And
with a pliant Democratic president now in the White House, those interests
believe they have momentum on their side.
This week, nearly three dozen House Democrats called on
President Joe Biden to relinquish sole control of the nuclear arsenal. “While
any president would presumably consult with advisors before ordering a nuclear
attack, there is no requirement to do so,” the
letter read. “Vesting one person with this authority entails real risks.”
The letter frets over the fact that “past presidents have threatened to attack
other countries with nuclear weapons,” which is an obtuse way to express the
bedrock premises of deterrence theory.
The letter’s authors’ true concerns are expressed in a
veiled allusion to Donald Trump. The note observed that certain unnamed
presidents have “exhibited behavior” that led to concerns about their
“judgment.” To remove the threat posed by a rogue president, these Democrats
offer alternatives, including vesting launch control with both the president or
vice president and perhaps even the speaker of the House or creating a
permanent council that would deliberate over the matter. Many well-known
skeptics of nuclear armaments seem
to agree with the Democratic assessment, including former Defense
Sec. William Perry. “Once in office,” he averred, citing the threat posed
by a Trump-like president, “Biden should announce he would share authority to
use nuclear weapons with a select group in Congress.”
The threat posed by a madman in the Oval Office isn’t one
that we should sneer at, but hedging against that prospect shouldn’t take the
form of unilateral disarmament. That is precisely what these House Democrats
are demanding.
First, it is a misconception that the president alone
determines when, where, and how to deploy nuclear weapons. Though the
commander-in-chief has sole operational authority to issue such an order, it
would fall on many service personnel further down the chain of command to carry
out that order. That system provides a variety of checks on a president’s
capacity to execute
an unlawful order, for example. Not only is the jurisprudence
on this clear, that outcome would also likely become public knowledge in short
order.
In the scenario Democrats envision, in which the
president orders a preventative first strike, the targeting, logistical,
operational, and legal hurdles could take days to resolve. But the system is
designed to move very quickly, and for a good reason. If the president has 30
minutes to determine whether to respond to an imminent attack that would
neutralize the American deterrent, that is a decision that cannot be left to a
congressional select committee.
We can and should concern ourselves with the character of
the person we vest with the authority to respond to such a frightening
scenario. And we have mechanisms to vet aspirants for high office and weigh in
on their qualifications: campaigns and elections.
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