By Kevin D. Williamson
Thursday, February 18, 2021
Crime, homeless encampments, riots, crime, loopy
left-wing government, crime, litter, violent protests, imperious left-wing
activists seeing off mainstream liberal Democrats, boarded-up shops downtown, a
vicious social-media-driven politics of personal destruction, crime, crime, and
crime, to say nothing of the crime — today’s Minneapolis is where Minnesota
Nice turns into Minnesota Nasty.
Let’s talk about the crime first. Everybody does.
“We’re moving,” says one longtime resident of downtown
Minneapolis. “Prior to COVID, I walked to work every day and walked home. You
couldn’t pay me enough to do that now — and it’s only a mile. It’s a changed
city.”
That certainly is the experience of the 553 people who
were shot in Minneapolis last year, the highest casualty figure in a
generation. Robberies, assaults, thefts, carjackings, and the like are up
across the city. The city council voted to partly defund the police department
— and then promptly hired a private security firm to protect its members. And
then, in mid February, it voted to allocate millions of dollars to . . . hiring
new police officers, although they’re going to start asking them whether they
have sociology degrees.
Social justice is hell on the poor, reports the Minneapolis Star-Tribune:
Violent crime climbed in almost
every part of the city, but it continued to exact the heaviest toll in poorer
neighborhoods. . . . On the North Side, the Fifth Ward saw violent crime climb
36 percent over the five-year average, with homicides, robberies and aggravated
assaults like shootings and stabbings going up. The neighboring Fourth Ward to
the north saw similar increases, with the exception of robberies, which fell 21
percent.
In south Minneapolis, the Sixth and
Ninth Wards, which stretch from the edge of downtown to Powderhorn Park, also
saw a steep increase in violence, particularly in the number of assaults and
robberies. The Ninth Ward had 16 homicides in 2020, after never recording more
than four in any of the previous five years.
Meanwhile, more affluent
neighborhoods sometimes went weeks without a violent incident.
A three-agency task force trying to combat rampant
carjackings in the Twin Cities made 46 arrests in three days, producing 69
felony charges. Most of those arrested were released almost immediately — the
jails have been emptied out by COVID-19 precautions.
A Minneapolis television anchor waiting for a train was
struck so hard in the head with a brick that he went partially blind, assaulted
by a man with a lengthy arrest record who was enraged because he “perceived
that victim was homosexual,” as the police report put it. In neighboring St.
Paul, a 21-year-old transgender resident was stomped half to death by a mob of
a dozen men (and a few women) in a convenience store after a minor traffic
incident. Gay and lesbian Minneapolis residents report being particularly
worried about the city’s crime — social justice is hard on them, too.
What the hell happened?
***
Here’s a funny little lesson from the Democratic
presidential primaries in 2016 and 2020: People like Hillary Rodham Clinton and
Joe Biden win primaries — but Bernie Sanders wins caucuses. And Minnesota is a
caucusing state, with the intense face-to-face politics inherent to the
practice sometimes degenerating into brawls — a “raucous caucus,” in
Minnesota-speak. That is precisely the kind of politics in which Sanders’s
partisans thrive.
In Minnesota, the socialist from Vermont from Brooklyn
has, to an underappreciated extent, won from losing. One of the many
organizations that sprang from the rubble of Senator Sanders’s presidential
campaigns is Our Revolution MN, a nominally nonpartisan left-wing outfit that
has learned to work the caucus system and exploit the low turnout in off-year
municipal elections to take over Minneapolis.
“A relatively small number of people can control the
caucus system,” says one longtime officeholder, a lifelong liberal and member
of the Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party who is dismayed by the city’s radical
tilt. “For years, it was a system that worked. It’s only in the last few years
that it has been a problem.” The newly empowered radical Left does not have
much interest in Minnesota Nice, and that has helped to drive the moderate
progressives out of the Minneapolis political ecosystem, leaving the field to
the radicals. “Part of what’s going on is a change in behavior, with people
being rude to each other. The polarization isn’t helping. People who are more
in the middle don’t want to be involved. Now, we have public hearings where
people show up and scream, ‘Shame on you! You’ve . . . effed up the city,’” the
former officeholder says. “Oh, gosh.”
Minnesota’s political establishment has since time immemorial
been dominated by a partnership between center-left and far-left elements. In
the 1940s, the Republican Party was actually in a stronger position in
Minnesota than the Democratic Party, but both were outgunned by the larger,
better organized, left-wing Farmer-Labor Party. In 1944, a deal was brokered to
join the two left-liberal parties in a single new entity, the
Democratic-Farmer-Labor (DFL) Party, its platform guided by a “Fusion
Committee” chaired by Hubert Humphrey.
The state GOP went into a long, steady decline: No
Republican presidential candidate has won Minnesota’s electoral votes since
Richard Nixon’s 49-state sweep in 1972; no Republican currently holds statewide
office or has been elected to it since Tim Pawlenty was reelected as governor
in 2006. Republicans, still strong in the rural areas and in some conservative
suburbs, have managed to defend a position in the state legislature,
controlling both houses as recently as 2018 but currently in the majority only
in the state senate. As in many other states, Minnesota Republicans represent a
lot of the territory but relatively few of the people: More than half of the
state’s population now lives in the Minneapolis–St. Paul metropolitan area, and
those diehard Republican-voting Norski farmers out there in the godforsaken
tundra become politically more irrelevant every year.
Minneapolis still has a two-party system — it’s just that
the two most relevant parties are DFL factions: at each other’s throats, to be
sure, but technically within the same party. The radical faction has the upper
hand. In 2017, three DFL incumbents on the city council were beaten by
left-wing challengers from within their own party. In one ward, the DFL
candidate lost the first phase of voting to a Socialist Alternative challenger
but in the end won the race thanks to the vagaries of the state’s
ranked-choice-voting system. The Green Party won one spot on the council as
well. That election was, in the words of one local political observer, a
“watershed.”
But those Sandersistas were not quite the beginning of
the story, either. When the left-wing senator Paul Wellstone died in an
airplane accident, his funeral turned into a political rally, and his survivors
were determined to do a lot more than name a building after him. They formed an
organization called “Wellstone Action,” since renamed “Re:Power,” to train
radical activists to pursue real political power. “I knew Paul Wellstone well,”
says Vin Weber, a former Minnesota congressman admired by conservatives for his
work with Jack Kemp and Empower America. “We never agreed on a single thing.”
Wellstone Action, he says, was nothing if not effective: “I have to give them
credit. For a monument, they gave him an entity aimed at training and
mobilizing political activists, which they did very effectively and
efficiently. And they hold the Wellstone view of the world, not that of
mainstream Democrats.”
In Weber’s long-term view, this represents one important
phase in the political evolution of the city. “In the early 1970s, Minneapolis
had a ‘nonpartisan’ city council, but there was a Republican majority. When I
was in college, the mayor was an independent conservative who was on the board
of Young Americans for Freedom.” That man, Charles Stenvig, a Frank Rizzo-ish
policeman-politician who left office in 1978, was the last non-DFL member to be
elected mayor of Minneapolis.
Without an effective Republican opposition, the battle in Minneapolis has been Left vs. Lefter. “They’ve been organizing this for 20 or 30 years now in the city and taking it out to the suburbs,” Weber says, “and with less success trying to take it into rural Minnesota. There are no moderates, not even any traditional liberals left in the city of Minneapolis. There’s not a single statewide Republican elected official at any level of government. Every cycle for the last decade, the rallying cry in Minneapolis has been, ‘We need to replace the progressives with the ultra-progressives’ — they actually use that phrase, and that’s what they’ve got. The idea was to get to the left of the liberal Democrats, and they’ve done it.”
***
The transformation of Minneapolis already was well under
way before two great radicalizing traumas arrived in the forms of Derek Chauvin
and the novel coronavirus. These have interacted in unpredictable ways: There
would have been protests in the wake of George Floyd’s killing by Minneapolis
police in any year — as there should have been — but the consensus in
Minneapolis is that it was the epidemic and the lockdown that really made them
into the rolling parade of violence and lawlessness that marched through the
city. With Chauvin going on trial in March, downtown Minneapolis remains
boarded up in anticipation of more rioting and looting.
When Minneapolis was thriving, the entertainment district
in the city’s core attracted both residents and visitors, and the tax dollars
their merrymaking threw off became an important source of city revenue. That
has died off. The immediately pressing economic question for the city is
whether that business was gutted by the epidemic, in which case it may recover,
or whether it was terrorized away by the riots and the crime wave, in which
case it may not recover.
“If you took Hubert Humphrey and plopped him down in
Minneapolis today, he wouldn’t recognize the place,” says Annette Meeks, a
former Republican Party leader and head of the Freedom Foundation of Minnesota,
a conservative think tank. “It’s not the social upheaval — it’s just the rank
craziness.” At the top of the hit parade of crazy are efforts, well under way,
to completely abolish the city’s police department. The city’s charter
commission kept a police-abolition measure off the ballot the last time around,
ruling that the city charter has to be amended before such an action is taken,
but a petition drive has been launched to make that happen. “They need 12,000
signatures to get it on the ballot,” Meeks says, “but they’re going for 20,000,
overachievers that they are.”
Meeks paints a bleak picture of Minneapolis’s political
environment: The Republicans moved out and fell into obscurity decades ago; the
caucus system and ranked-choice voting create complexities that favor committed
full-time political activists over civic-minded volunteer leaders; boutique
radicalism has replaced such old-fashioned livability issues as park
maintenance and crime; and the new breed of leaders can win by grandstanding on
cultural issues rather than concentrating on the difficult work of seeing to it
that the city is run well. On top of all this, Meeks says, is a shocking new
viciousness as the manners and style of social media move into the real-world
political space.
“It’s survival of the fittest,” she says, “and the
radicals won.”
She points to former three-term mayor R. T. Rybak, who
upgraded his gas-electric city vehicle to plug-in hybrid after attending a
climate-change conference, as an example of the old school. He was, Meeks says,
“a liberal’s liberal.” But he also dedicated much of his time as mayor to
reducing crime and balancing the budget. “If you had told him that he had to be
careful driving his Prius because there’s no police, he’d have laughed you out
of the room.”
When Rybak left office, he was replaced by Betsy Hodges,
a Bryn Mawr graduate who worked as a fundraiser for Progressive Minnesota and
is now best known for publishing a kind of Maoist self-criticism confession in
the New York Times in 2020, headlined
“As Mayor of Minneapolis, I Saw How White Liberals Block Change”:
White liberals, despite believing
we are saying and doing the right things, have resisted the systemic changes
our cities have needed for decades. We have mostly settled for illusions of
change, like testing pilot programs and funding volunteer opportunities.
These efforts make us feel better
about racism, but fundamentally change little for the communities of color
whose disadvantages often come from the hoarding of advantage by mostly white
neighborhoods.
If there is one thing Minnesota Democrats can count on,
it’s this: You ain’t never woke enough. Somebody can always out-woke you.
Running for reelection, Hodges finished third in a field of five in 2017 and
was replaced by Jacob Frey, the doorknob currently serving as mayor, a
white-shoe radical lawyer who was buffaloed into letting rioters run amok and
burn down his city. He tried to finesse his way to a third-way solution in the
face of demands to defund the police but in the end signed a budget imposing
millions of dollars of cuts on the police department in order to appease the
Left.
The department now has hundreds fewer officers than it
says it needs to do its job. With violent crime soaring, the city council
unanimously voted to approve funding to hire more officers — but three of its
members are working on a plan to abolish the police department entirely,
replacing it with a new “public safety” agency that would provide social
services in addition to law enforcement with progressive characteristics. A
left-wing coalition comprising groups ranging from the Sex-Workers Outreach
Project of Minneapolis to the Minnesota Youth Collective (“founded by young,
queer, female-identifying people who practice intersectionality in organizing”)
is working on a ballot initiative to the same end.
So where does that leave Minneapolis?
***
A great deal is going to depend on the upcoming trial of
Derek Chauvin. In February, the New York
Times reported that Chauvin had offered to plead guilty to third-degree
murder in the death of George Floyd but Attorney General William Barr had
scuttled the deal, believing that that agreement was too lenient. (Federal
sign-off was required because the deal would have included an assurance that
Chauvin would not be brought up on civil-rights or other federal charges in the
future.) The trial is imminent, and the outcome is uncertain.
Thirty-Eighth and Chicago, the intersection at which
Chauvin pinned down Floyd with his knee, remains closed to traffic. It won’t
reopen until after the trial, if it ever does. Office workers downtown already
are being told not to come to work during the trial. The state already has
budgeted millions of dollars for security and anti-riot measures, and the
National Guard will be called out to protect the courthouse precincts.
If there is yet another round of riots, Minneapolis may
take a long time to recover. Or it may never recover. Cities such as Detroit
and Newark never really recovered from the riots of the 1960s, and probably
never will. Even in Minneapolis itself, the once-thriving commercial corridor
along Plymouth Avenue was utterly destroyed by the 1967 riots, and it never
came back. The shopping and dining district around Nicollet Mall, recently
spruced up with a $50 million revitalization project, is boarded up. The number
of Minneapolis establishments that were torched in the riots is shocking: the
ice-cream shop on Cedar Avenue, the chiropractor on East Lake Street, travel
agencies, mobile-phone shops, grocery stores, an advertising agency, a
dentist’s office, a barbershop, gas stations. Retailers from Kmart to jewelry
shops were looted. The list goes on and on. A city doesn’t just bounce back
from that.
Downtown Minneapolis is home to the corporate
headquarters of Target (8,500 employees) and US Bank (5,000 employees), as well
as a large Wells Fargo office (7,000 employees). One major corporate defection
could have devastating consequences.
And Minneapolis today is a hard sell as a long-term
investment. People with a taste for urban life will put up with all sorts of
shenanigans in New York City and Los Angeles and other megapolises; at the
other end of the spectrum, residents can exercise a relatively high level of
control when things go badly awry in small towns. But midsized cities are
neither fish nor municipal fowl: Sometimes, they hit a sweet spot like Austin’s
or Kansas City’s — and, sometimes, they end up with the worst of both worlds.
That’s a real danger for Minneapolis, which has long prospered in no small part
on the strength of its lively cultural scene and livability. Even when the
plague is conquered, rampant crime and the aftermath of the recent lawlessness
will hinder the city’s cultural recovery. And people will have to ask: Do you
really want to live in a city with San Francisco’s homelessness and Fargo’s
weather? Do you really want New York City’s crime with Milwaukee’s theater, Los
Angeles’s governmental dysfunction with Columbus’s restaurants? How many
variations on the theme of Cleveland are Millennials able to sustain?
It’s a familiar story. Everybody knows where the road to
Portland ends: Portland.
Portland was once a thriving and quirky second-tier city
and is now a dreary, backward, ugly, dangerous, tedious little burg of no
interest except as a sobering cautionary example. Philadelphia was once
celebrated as “an American Paris.” Detroit was one of the wealthiest cities in
the world.
Minneapolis’s new radicals came to conquer and may be king for a day. But they won’t be the first of their kind to ruin a city by trying to rule it.
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