By Ramesh Ponnuru
Tuesday, December 26, 2017
Gorsuch confirmed, ISIS defeated, taxes cut: The Trump
administration has compiled a solid record of accomplishment in its first year,
one that compares well with the records of many of its predecessors.
Two of the biggest accomplishments came late in the year.
The prime minister of Iraq declared victory over ISIS on December 9.
Republicans reached a deal that seemed to secure passage of a tax bill on
December 15. Until then, it appeared possible that 2017 would end without an
all-Republican government enacting any major legislation.
Now the Republicans’ policy record looks better, at least
as most conservatives see it. The tax bill advances several longstanding
conservative objectives. It cuts tax rates for most Americans, slashes the
corporate-tax rate for the first time in decades, expands the tax credit for
children, limits the reach of the estate tax and the alternative minimum tax,
and scales back the tax break for expensive homes. By scaling back the
deduction for state and local taxes, it may encourage a more conservative
fiscal politics in the states. And it allows drilling to proceed in the Arctic
National Wildlife Refuge.
The tax bill also partly makes up for the failure of
Republican efforts earlier in 2017 to repeal Obamacare. The health-care law
imposes fines on people who go without insurance. The tax bill sets the fines
at zero. The least popular feature of Obamacare is thus effectively nullified.
Some conservatives would have considered voting for Trump
in November 2016 worth it just for Justice Neil Gorsuch. His appointment to the
Supreme Court means that Justice Scalia’s seat will remain filled by an
originalist for the next few decades. If one of the Democratic appointees or
Justice Anthony Kennedy leaves the Court while Republicans hold the Senate,
Trump will have the opportunity to create the first conservative majority in
modern constitutional history. Trump has also nominated many well-qualified
conservative jurists to the appeals courts. (The quality of his district-court
nominees appears to be significantly lower.)
The administration has begun to rein in regulation. It
has withdrawn and modified several of the Obama administration’s regulations,
often in concert with Congress. It has stopped or slowed the progress of many
others that were barreling down the tracks. The Environmental Protection
Agency, now run by Trump appointee Scott Pruitt, has also taken steps to end
the practice of “sue and settle,” in which activist groups get the agency to
adopt new policies through lawsuits.
Trump killed President Obama’s Clean Power Plan, which
would have imposed significant economic costs while doing little to reduce the
risks of global warming. He has effectively ended the Obama administration’s
mandate that employers provide contraceptive coverage: Employers who object to
providing that coverage, or providing forms of that coverage they consider to
cause abortions, are to be exempt. If the new policy stands, the Little Sisters
of the Poor will be spending less time in court. Trump’s education secretary,
Betsy DeVos, has withdrawn Obama-era regulations that led colleges to lower the
burden of proof for sexual-misconduct allegations and to monitor professors’
speech.
Most conservatives cheered two symbolic actions by the
administration: announcing that our embassy in Israel will move to the
country’s capital city of Jerusalem and that the United States will withdraw
from the Paris climate accord. (I count that planned withdrawal as symbolic
because the accord did not bind us to any policy commitments.)
Conservatives of various types have thus seen progress on
their agenda in 2017. Economic conservatives got tax cuts and some
deregulation. Legal conservatives got judicial appointments and an executive
branch more mindful of the limits of its policymaking authority. Social
conservatives also benefited from the judicial appointments and welcomed
Trump’s policy of blocking international family-planning funding from going to
organizations that promote or perform abortions.
Many Republicans credit Trump for presiding over a strong
economy, too. It’s a point that requires some context. Job growth has not been
quite as fast as it was in Obama’s last year, but you’d expect it to slow after
an expansion this long. Republican economic policies may have played a role in
keeping the expansion going. Certainly the predictions of economic doom made
right after the election by some Trump opponents — chiefly Paul Krugman — have
not come to pass.
It’s not the only bad outcome that has been avoided.
Trump has started no trade war and has not blown up the World Trade
Organization. He has merely engaged in the low-grade protectionism that is
routine for presidents of both parties, and withdrawn from the Trans-Pacific
Partnership — which may not have been able to win congressional approval even
if Trump had stayed in. NATO is still standing, too, and Trump’s complaints
about allies’ burden-sharing may be arresting Western Europe’s slide into
functional pacifism.
How much Trump contributed to what has gone right in 2017
is debatable. He had less influence over the shape of the tax bill than most
presidents exert over major laws. His unpopularity has probably dragged down
the bill’s poll numbers. The failure on Obamacare was partly his. And if we
have avoided a trade war, it may because he has hired people who are
undercutting him. He has reportedly complained that he wants to go further in
imposing tariffs but his advisers keep thwarting him.
People who voted for Trump in November 2016 on the theory
that he would deliver policies radically different from what other Republicans
would do should be disappointed. Those who voted for him because he would
usually line up with conservatives and sign Republican bills, on the other
hand, have reason to be pleased with his policy record.
They may not like everything about this presidency, the
effects of which will not be limited to changes in public policy. Many of
Trump’s conservative supporters share some of the concerns of the majority of
Americans who oppose him. These conservatives wish the president had spoken
more firmly and consistently to denounce the white supremacists in
Charlottesville, or had kept his distance from Roy Moore, or had contained
himself on Twitter. On policy matters, though, they are getting what they
wanted from him.
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