By Jonah Goldberg
Wednesday, December 06, 2017
If you’re a normal person who pays attention to politics,
you’d be forgiven for thinking that Washington can’t decide whether deficits
are bad or not. Well, I have one easy trick that will help you make sense of it
all.
In Washington, when you hear people complain that this or
that piece of legislation will “explode” the deficit, what they are really
telling you is that they don’t like the legislation.
It’s really that simple. Good legislation, like good
food, movies, novels, and pretty much everything else except for dogs (they’re
all good), is in the eye of the beholder. A politician or partisan who thinks a
proposal is worth doing will think it’s worth doing even if it increases the
deficit. If he thinks a proposal is bad, he might argue that it’s bad on the
merits. But you can be sure that if it also increases the deficit, he will cite
this fact as a major reason why it is bad.
That is the role deficits — and the national debt — play
in our politics. Anti-debt talk serves as a dye marker for some more
fundamental objection.
Almost everyone thinks deficits are bad in the abstract,
but that their badness should only be a problem for the other side. In 2008,
for example, then-presidential candidate Barack Obama said that the $4 trillion
in debt rung up under George W. Bush was “unpatriotic.” But his actual
complaint wasn’t about the debt but what that money was spent on — the Iraq war
and tax cuts.
Under Obama, the national debt soared from $11 trillion
to just under $20 trillion, but that deficit spending was justifiable,
according to Democrats, because it went to combating the financial crisis and
paying for various other domestic programs.
The source of the apparent inconsistency isn’t simply
partisan hypocrisy (though that’s a factor as well), but a good-faith
ideological disagreement.
As a matter of economic policy, conservatives believe
that the people themselves are better at spending their money than the
government is. Cutting taxes and regulations drives economic growth. Liberals,
meanwhile, believe that the government is the prime, or at least an
indispensable, driver of economic growth.
This is why liberals tend to talk about spending on everything
from infrastructure to education as an “investment.” The Obama stimulus was
sold as an investment that would pay huge dividends, thanks in part to
Keynesian “multipliers” — the idea that every dollar of government spending
results in more than a dollar in economic growth. Obamacare, we were told,
would reduce the deficit by cutting health-care spending and improving economic
growth.
Conservatives make similar arguments about tax cuts. Over
the weekend, Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell told Fox News that the tax
cuts would yield more than enough economic growth to make up for the deficit
the bill creates on paper.
On the philosophical side, there’s an even starker
conflict of visions. Liberals tend to start from the assumption that the
government is entitled to as much revenue as it needs, and so tax cuts amount
to giving people money.
Earlier this year, Senator Bernie Sanders proposed a
budget that would add at least $21 trillion to the debt over a decade. But when
the Senate passed the GOP tax bill, he tweeted, “Historians will look back on
Dec. 1, 2017 and conclude this was one of the great robberies in US history
because Republicans are looting the Treasury.” For Sanders, letting people keep
more of their own money is theft — because it’s really the government’s money.
Conservatives, on the other hand, start from the
assumption that money belongs to the people and businesses who earn it. Letting
people and businesses keep more of their money isn’t a handout or giveaway,
never mind a robbery: It’s fairness.
The ultimate problem is that everyone says they care
about the deficit, but few people care about it enough. Democrats think
spending is more important than the deficit, and Republicans think cutting
taxes is more important. And that’s why the national debt is more than $20
trillion, and growing.
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