Sunday, December 31, 2017

New Year’s Resolutions



By Kevin D. Williamson
Sunday, December 31, 2017

I do not much care for New Year’s Eve. I like most of the constituents — champagne, parties, etc. — but there’s something about New Year’s Eve parties that always seems to me a little sad. You see the same thing on Valentine’s Day: people desperately trying to have a good time, or desperately trying to convince themselves they’re having a good time. I have reached the stage in life when I will walk a mile out of my way to avoid the company of people who use “party” as a verb.

I do like resolutions.

Resolutions are like wedding vows: Making them is easy, but keeping them is another thing. It’s hard. It isn’t too difficult to stay on the straight and narrow for a little while, for a few weeks or months or even years, but forever is . . . forever. I suppose that is why they tell alcoholics to try to manage themselves “one day at a time.” Not having a drink today is manageable by comparison to the vastness of the rest of one’s days, and eternity gets here soon enough.

We are works in progress. Sometimes, we are works in regress. (As the poet said, the opposite of progress is Congress.) I always looked forward to the first day of school (and still look forward to that time of year) because it feels like the real new year, the time of blank slates and fresh starts and new beginnings. My summers were long and hot and boring (if you were good at school but not very good at much of anything else, you’ll understand) and the beginning of the school year was rich with potential, an invitation to explore the great mystery of (adolescence is a time of great and sometimes comical self-involvement) who I was becoming. What’s strange is that you already know. Nobody had to tell twelve-year-old me that I was a Latin guy and not a Spanish guy. I knew. Te Occidere Possunt Sed Te Edere Non Possunt Nefas Est.

We are works in progress. Or so we like to think. This will be the year. This will be the year that I . . . whatever it is you’ve been wanting from yourself but haven’t given to yourself. Starting that business, finishing your degree, finding love, writing a book, losing that weight, learning to fly an airplane, finally taking your love to Paris. And there is progress. Whatever the cynics say, people do change. I have seen physical, financial, and moral transformations that I could scarcely believe. I’ve seen a few men go the road of the righteous, as the song says, and by God I’m sure I’ve seen some more go their blessed way.

We are works in progress. But we aren’t blank slates. And that is something that ought to complicate our moral thinking. A great deal of what we call “character” is almost certainly congenital in much the same way as our heights or the shapes of our noses. My friend Charles Murray got (and gets still) no end of grief for considering the question of how we ought to think socially and politically about intelligence in light of how strongly heritable IQ is, but that question isn’t going away — not in a modern global economy that values intelligence above almost everything else. Intelligent people tend to think of intelligence as a virtue, but if there’s no more virtue in being intelligent (as distinct from being educated) than there is in being tall or having red hair, shouldn’t that inform how we think about people who are less successful in life, and, indeed, how we think about people who are more successful? And what if, as seems to be the case, the same holds broadly true for such character traits as the inclination to delay gratification or to be able to thrive by cooperating in social groups? You can resolve to finish your associate’s degree this year, but you can’t really resolve to add 20 IQ points. You can resolve to try to be easier to get along with (I know something about that) but it may be the case that you simply are what you are, that you can only go so far from a starting point that you didn’t choose and would not have chosen.

We Americans — and especially we libertarian-leaning, free-market types — are very deeply invested in our belief in free will. It is difficult to have an intellectually coherent Christian theology without it. (My Calvinist friends will forgive me, as indeed they are predestined to do.) It is similarly difficult to maintain an intellectually coherent ethical defense of Anglo-American liberalism without recourse to the doctrine of free will. Most of us would object to an arrangement in which one’s place in life — economic, social, and political — was determined mainly by one’s height. But we are well on our way toward building a society in which one’s standing is determined almost exclusively by intelligence, which is no more justly distributed or redistributable. In Adam Smith and in Thomas Jefferson we encounter the idea of a “natural aristocracy” of intelligence and energy, what we now call “meritocracy.” But what if there isn’t as much merit in it as we imagine? What if it is just the case that people are what they are, and that their ability to change that is much more radically constricted than we had imagined?

Here perhaps we are called to engage those old virtues that bring very little return in the marketplace, charity chief among them, making room for the actual facts of human life and the actual condition of such fallen creatures as ourselves somewhere in our political and economic theories. There’s a little irony in there: It is, after all, capitalism and capitalism alone that has created a society rich enough that we could well do away with our censorious rhetoric about the “deserving” poor and worry a little bit less about who really deserves what, there being more than enough to go around. A system built on self-interest and profit-seeking has produced a situation in which nobody really has to be poor, at least not in the sense we used the word “poor” until 20 minutes ago.

A lawyer friend of mine used to raise his glass and say: “Maybe we’ll get what we want. Maybe we won’t. Just as long as we don’t get what we deserve!” Amen, and amen. Yes, we want our deadbeat brothers-in-law to be better, to get a job, to get squared away, and we want better from ourselves, too. And maybe we’ll manage it this year.

I won’t share any of my own New Year’s resolutions, because they’re none of your goddamned business, except to say that I intend to do what I can to honor those precious men and women who have taken on the difficult and often thankless task of trying to be my friends by not meditating too deeply on the resolutions I think other people should be making, to better take people as I find them, which ought to be easier for a reprobate such as myself but isn’t. Hamdun al-Qassar is said to have advised his followers to think of 70 excuses for the errant friends among them, but that’s 69 more than we need. There’s only one that’s really ever mattered, the same one we’ve always had. They that are whole have no need of the Physician, nor of excuses, nor of pledges to finally do better this year. The rest of us have our resolutions and, if we’re lucky, some friends who won’t remind us about them too often.

How the Trump Administration Can Hold the U.N. Accountable Again


By Fred Fleitz
Saturday, December 30, 2017

President Trump and United Nations Ambassador Nikki Haley made a lot of news last week with their condemnations of the United Nations over a U.N. General Assembly (UNGA) resolution criticizing President Trump’s decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and move the U.S. embassy there.

President Trump threatened to withhold billions of dollars in U.S. aid from states that voted for the resolution and said after the vote, “Let them vote against us. We’ll save a lot. We don’t care.” Ambassador Haley warned that the U.S. would be “taking names” of states that voted for this resolution.

Although these comments didn’t represent anything new — U.S. officials have lamented the U.N.’s anti-Israel and anti-U.S. bias for decades — they were still very significant, since they involve the United States’ holding the United Nations accountable again after a 25-year hiatus.

As a CIA U.N. analyst from 1986 to 1994, I remember well the intense focus by the Reagan and George H. W. Bush administrations to punish U.N. members who voted for anti-U.S. and anti-Israel resolutions. Nations were given scores on their support of the United States in the U.N., which were used to determine U.S. aid.

For example, in 1990, after Yemen voted against a U.N. Security Council resolution authorizing the use of force against Iraq in response to its invasion of Kuwait, Secretary of State James Baker told Yemen’s U.N. ambassador, “That was the most expensive ‘no’ vote you ever cast.” Several days later, a $70 million U.S. aid program to Yemen was halted.

There also was a push during this period to curtail the use of the U.N. for espionage against the United States by hostile powers, especially the Soviet Union. In addition, U.S. diplomats fought to lower the U.S. contribution to the U.N. and to address the organization’s epic corruption and inefficiency.

In 1991, then–assistant secretary of state John Bolton scored a huge win against anti-Semitism and animus toward Israel in the U.N. with his successful campaign to persuade the U.N. General Assembly to rescind its odious 1975 resolution that equated Zionism with racism.

While I was providing intelligence support to Bolton for his campaign to rescind the U.N. Zionism/racism resolution, I learned that his main challenge was not twisting the arms of foreign leaders; it was fighting with State Department careerists who did not want to upset Arab countries and seemed to have their own biases against the Jewish state. This problem continues today, and it is why President Trump must fill vacant State Department positions ASAP with people who will defend his policies.

This twelve-year campaign against U.N. bias and mismanagement by two Republican administrations ended with the Clinton administration, which took a “see no evil” approach to the U.N. and adopted a policy called “assertive multilateralism,” which tried to end civil wars with U.N. peacekeeping and used U.S. soldiers as peacekeepers. I explained in my 2002 book Peacekeeping Fiascoes of the 1990s how this policy led to a string of major peacekeeping failures in the former Yugoslavia, Haiti, and Somalia.

The George W. Bush administration ended the Clinton administration’s naïve approach to the U.N. However, with one notable exception — John Bolton’s 18-month tenure as U.N. ambassador — this administration showed little interest in addressing anti-U.S. and anti-Israel animus in the organization or pushing for U.N. reform.

(An important related point: One of the worst George W. Bush administration officials who worked on U.N. issues — Brian Hook, who served as assistant secretary of state for international organizations — was brought back to the State Department by Secretary Rex Tillerson and reportedly runs the department for Tillerson as director of the policy-planning staff.)

The Obama administration was the worst of all. Not only did Obama officials do nothing to combat anti-America and anti-Israel bias in the United Nations, they actually encouraged it. President Obama used his annual addresses to the U.N. General Assembly to apologize for past U.S policies, criticize our nation, and suggest that powerful nations like the United States should subordinate themselves to the U.N. Obama’s hostility to Israel was obvious throughout his term and was epitomized on December 23, 2016, when he made the unprecedented decision to abstain on a U.N. Security Council resolution censuring Israel over settlement building.

Israeli officials accused President Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry of abandoning Israel by this vote. The Palestinians declared a “day of victory.” Israel officials also claimed to have “hard evidence” that U.S. diplomats drafted this resolution, a charge Obama officials denied.

Although the extreme anti-Israel and anti-U.S. bias in the U.N. of the Cold War days is long over, the organization is still working against American interests, a situation made worse by the naïve U.N. policies of the Clinton and Obama administrations and the general neglect of the U.N. by the George W. Bush administration.

Thus President Trump inherited another foreign-policy mess at the United Nations. So what should Mr. Trump do about the U.N.? Conservative experts are divided.

Some believe the United Nations is so anti-American and flawed that the U.S. should withdraw from the organization. I oppose this option because I believe the U.N. still has value as a venue to peacefully resolve international disputes.

Although Ambassador John Bolton is not calling for the U.S. to completely pull out of the U.N., he argued in a December 26 Wall Street Journal op-ed titled “How to Defund the UN” that President Trump should withdraw from and stop funding U.N. bodies that do not serve U.S. interests. Bolton also called for major budget cuts to the U.N. bureaucracy and replacing America’s assessed contributions to fund the U.N. — which is essential a mandatory bill foisted on Washington by U.N. members — with voluntary contributions under which the U.S. would pay only for U.N. expenses that it supports.

Ambassador Haley is already working to cut U.N. spending, and she announced last week that she has negotiated a $285 million reduction in the U.N.’s 2018 budget. Although this was a good start, next year’s U.N. budget will be about $5.2 billion, so Haley must work to extract much larger cuts.

Holding U.N. members and the U.N. bureaucracy accountable for their votes and actions must be part of the Trump U.N. policy. While Trump officials have already said they may deny aid to states that vote against the United States, there are many similar steps they should take to punish the U.N. and its members for actions that violate the principles of liberty and freedom on which the organization was founded.

For example, U.N. bureaucrats won’t allow the Dalai Lama to speak to U.N. bodies, and until last year refused to allow him on U.N. premises due to objections from China. The United States and Israel are regularly condemned for bogus human-rights violations, but no U.N. resolution has ever passed on human-rights violations in Tibet and Xinjiang by China, or on human-rights violations by Iran, Cuba, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey.

It is worth noting that although the U.N. never passed resolutions condemning Vladimir Putin’s bloody crackdown against Chechnya, it has passed resolutions condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Unfortunately, these resolutions were non-binding. The U.N. has approved several resolutions condemning the dire human-rights situation in North Korea, but the first did not pass until 2003.

Meanwhile, some Muslim states want to uproot modern principles of human rights by passing a U.N. resolution to amend the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to make it compatible with sharia law by removing language on the right of a person to change his religion and adding new language banning the “defamation” of religions.

President Trump must make clear that the United States will no longer tolerate U.N. votes and actions that violate our principles of freedom and democracy and will take retaliatory steps in response when necessary.

The Trump administration also should turn the tables on anti-U.S. and anti-Israel bias in the U.N. by aggressively using the Security Council against rogue states like North Korea and Iran. The administration already has been successful in doing this against North Korea by winning unanimous approval of several resolutions imposing the stiffest sanctions ever in response to its nuclear weapons and missile program. Growing concern by European states about the Iranian missile program could lead to similar resolutions against Iran over the next few years.

At the same time, Trump officials need to realize that since the U.N.’s globalist diplomats and bureaucrats will never agree to most of America’s demands, they need to focus on those that are doable. A priority should be ensuring that America’s allies stand with it in the U.N. as a united bloc for freedom and international security. Based on the shameful decision by the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, South Korea and many other U.S. allies to vote for last week’s UNGA resolution on President Trump’s decision to move the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem, it is clear that Ambassador Haley has her work cut out for her.

The Real Reason Lewis Hamilton’s Post About His Dress-Wearing Nephew Was Stupid



By Georgi Boorman        
Friday, December 29, 2017

Formula One driver Lewis Hamilton took a wrong turn on social media this Christmas by publicly criticizing his toddler nephew for wearing a princess dress, complete with a pink wand, on Christmas.

“I’m so sad right now — look at my nephew,” he said flippantly in an Instagram story that has since been deleted. “Why are you wearing a princess dress?” he asked the toddler, who smiled at his uncle and nodded, then continued giggling and waving his wand. “Is this what you got for Christmas?”

As the U.K. Daily Mail reported, he raised his voice at the young child, still sounding quite tongue-in-cheek, “Boys don’t wear princess dresses!” The tyke covered his ears and turned away.

This social media post invited an avalanche of strong opinions from randos, bloggers, and activists who are doubtless eminently qualified to pronounce this flippant interaction as oppressive heteronormativity. Feeling the heat of the torches and sharp jab of pitchforks between his ribs, Lewis issued an apology to the social media mob:

Yesterday I was playing around with my nephew and realised that my words were inappropriate so I removed the post. I meant no harm and did not mean to offend anyone at all. I love that my nephew feels free to express himself the way we all should…’My deepest apologies for my behavior as I realise it is really not acceptable in the world today for anyone, no matter where you are from, to marginalise or stereotype anyone. I have always been in support of anyone living their life exactly how they wish and I hope I can be forgiven for this lapse in judgement. (emphasis added).

Pride in London Twitter wasted no time in exploiting the family drama made public: ‘‘Many of our community have experienced this kind of shaming when we were younger…” British spoken word artist Travis Alabanza (who bases his performance on being “black and trans and queer”) also tried to guilt (dare I say shame) Hamilton into donating to “a LGBT youth charity”: “Thinks about why it is so horrible, and considers donating to a charity which supports LGBT youth. That video is a video so many of us have experienced. Gross. It sticks with you.”

Another blogger tweeted that “Boys wear whatever they want…Boys can be princesses. Dresses aren’t shameful. Go stick your toxic masculinity up your arse.”

Telling Kids the Truth Isn’t Bad

Let’s be clear. Despite what Hamilton has been pressured into stating, perhaps into believing, telling his nephew that “Boys don’t wear princess dresses” is not “gender-shaming.” The tyke doesn’t even know what gender is. His existence is full of play and discovering the world in probably a loving home with loving parents. I highly doubt he has paused his Christmas enthusiasm to ponder what sex he is or form any sort of opinion about his gender identity. Nor is his princess outfit likely to be a deliberate “expression” of some inner feeling of femaleness.

“Boys don’t wear princess dresses” is not “stereotyping” or “marginalizing,” it’s simply an assertion of plain differences between the sexes, which we communicate socially in the way we dress. As his nephew matures, he is overwhelmingly likely to feel comfortable being who he is, a boy, and expressing that by wearing boy clothes and doing things that boys tend to do.

Yes, as a general rule, boys don’t wear princess dresses, or dresses of any sort in everyday life. But toddlers like to play dress-up. They aren’t trying on “gender identities,” or expressing some deeply held belief that they are actually girls; they’re trying on clothes and playing make-believe. That’s a critical distinction between normal child’s play and the delusions of adolescents and adults who assert that wearing dresses and makeup, taking hormone blockers, and maybe even getting surgery makes a person a “woman” and defines one’s identity. But this is make-believe.

It’s not going to hurt or confuse a toddler to don a pink and purple dress on Christmas. As more sane Twitter users wrote, “Maybe boys don’t wear princess dresses but you’ve worn silly outfits as well. It is what it is. Be happy, it’s Christmas.” Nabeela tweeted, “You can’t publicly put down a CHILD for innocently liking what they like or wanting what they want, especially when you’re an icon and someone who kids look up to, respect and admire.”

The Real Problem Is Taking Private Family Matters Public

That user goes on to promote false notions about transgenderism, but that tweet has it exactly right. Airing family disagreements on social media and exposing a small boy’s face to millions in a context of chastisement, albeit jokingly, is foolish and potentially harmful. It is sure to call down the wrath of every gender studies major and LGBTQ+++ activist who would exploit the make-believe of an innocent toddler to further a political agenda.

Further, what was child’s play is now defcon III family drama. Hamilton’s nephew may not be able to read social media comments, but it’s hard to believe tensions in the household didn’t escalate over the controversy, and children are definitely affected by that.

Moreover, people who know the boy and saw the video might decide to impress their beliefs about gender fluidity on a toddler who cannot appropriately process these abstract concepts, but might get the impression that people want him to dress and act more like a girl. What was once simple play is now a confusing jumble of others’ wishes for how he should behave.

Children need and crave stability, normalcy, rules and clear examples to follow. Of course, the freedom to play make-believe, to pretend for an hour or so that one is a girl, and try on various outfits without having adults confuse toddlers about their sex is important. Yet that freedom and comfort can only exist in a heteronormative regime, not one that tries to raise children outside of reality-based sexual norms. The rules are what allow children to play make-believe, and to separate the fantasy from reality.

Despite claims from advocates of the New Sexual Revolution that they “just want everyone to be themselves,” lying that boys can be girls and vice versa creates yet another vulnerability in impressionable children. Under the guise of gender freedom, older children especially can experience pressures where otherwise they would be allowed to simply grow out of a phase and go on to lead normal, healthy heterosexual lives. Social media only exacerbates the threat. So let toddlers play dress-up, but let them do it privately in the safety and normalcy of their own homes.