By Eliana Johnson
Thursday, August 18, 2016
A Trump campaign that has seesawed between inexperienced
loyalists and longtime party flaks seesawed back again early Wednesday morning
as campaign chairman and erstwhile foreign lobbyist Paul Manafort was layered
between Breitbart CEO Stephen Bannon, now serving as CEO of the Trump campaign,
and newly named campaign manager Kellyanne Conway.
“This is a reversion,” says a top Trump campaign aide.
Manafort’s predecessor atop the Trump organization was 40-year-old Corey
Lewandowski, who pioneered the hands-off managerial maxim “Let Trump be Trump.”
The shakeup represents not just a reversion but an intensification of the
media-driven strategy by which Trump bested 16 adversaries in the Republican
primary. At Breitbart, Bannon has
been leading a brigade of vociferous Trump defenders, and like his new boss,
Bannon is a media-savvy operator who understands the value of shock and awe.
And with Conway at the helm, the notoriously poll-obsessed candidate now has a
veteran pollster running his operation. Trump is being Trump.
As such, the move is also a rejection by Trump of efforts
to give him a more presidential bearing. The campaign announced on Wednesday
that, in contrast to the scripted remarks Trump delivered Monday and Tuesday,
he will hold back-to-back rallies — his stock-in-trade during the primary
season — on Thursday, Friday, and Saturday. It’s but one signal that Trump is
also shedding all pretenses that he will pivot in a general election.
Gone too is any pretense of objectivity from some
elements of the conservative media, including Breitbart and parts of Fox News. Bannon’s elevation marks a formal
merger of what has come to be known as the alt-right media and the Trump
campaign. The former helped incubate the populism and nationalism to which
Trump gave voice on the campaign trail. The New
York Times reported Tuesday that former Fox News president and CEO Roger
Ailes is advising Trump ahead of the presidential debates. The news makes
perfect sense. On his watch, many noticed that the network’s primetime hours
took on a decidedly Trumpian tilt, and there’s a sense that things have come full
circle.
Outside the nexus of the Trump campaign and a handful of
media outlets, the response has been bleaker. A longtime Republican-party
operative described the general mood in the party in the wake of last night’s
shakeup as “despairing.” Neither Bannon nor Conway bring to their new roles
experience on a general-election campaign — let alone a flailing one. Trump
loyalists argue that a return to the strategy that vaulted him ahead of 16
opponents in the primary is the best way to defeat Hillary Clinton in a general
election, too; skeptics say the divided primary field made it easier for Trump
to clinch the nomination, and that Trump’s tactics aren’t sufficient to draw
new voters into his political coalition. Bannon declined to be interviewed for
this article, and Conway did not respond to an immediate request for comment.
While Manafort’s ouster has been chocked up to Trump’s
post-convention tumble in the polls, its roots lie in the campaign’s previous
shakeup, which ended when former Trump campaign manager Corey Lewandowski was
frog-marched from Trump Tower in late June.
Lewandowski was the rare campaign manager who shadowed
his boss, and his departure also meant the loss of a loyal aide who spent his
days whispering in Trump’s ear, taming, massaging, and encouraging the volatile
and restless candidate. It’s a role that Conway, who has been traveling with
Trump, is expected to fill. Nonetheless, Lewandowski’s exit had consequences
for the candidate and the campaign. “I don’t know what’s happening except for
that they’ve lost control of Mr. Trump,” a second Trump aide told me ten days
ago, in the wake of Trump’s attacks on the Khan family and his public refusal
to endorse House speaker Paul Ryan in his primary race. “I’ve always maintained
that the person who dominates his ear is the best manager. If you’re in his
headspace, then you’re a successful manager.”
Manafort, who has a decades-long history of successfully
making over crackpot dictators abroad, vowed to do the same with Trump. Trump
chafed. Manafort wasn’t in his headspace, either, having opted to direct both
the candidate and the campaign at a distance, planting himself at Trump Tower
in Manhattan.
As campaign chairman, Manafort never named a replacement
for Lewandowki, absorbing his duties instead, and Trump went without a campaign
manager from Lewandowski’s June 20 departure until Conway’s appointment last
night. The result was a candidate who was often untethered from his own
campaign and who earned rebukes from Manafort for his inability to stick to a script.
“No marriage can work if one person is constantly trying to change the other,”
says the first Trump aide.
Manafort had also marketed himself as the maestro of
political conventions — and Trump’s, mired by accusations of plagiarism and the
candidate’s own remarks on NATO, fell flat. The results were predictable: His
poll numbers, to which he is comically sensitive, dropped precipitously.
If that was the impetus for Manafort’s ouster, there were
dozens of proximate causes, including news reports of his longstanding ties to
the deposed Ukrainian strongman Viktor Yanukovych and, by extension, to Putin’s
Russia.
The relationship between Trump and Manafort began to sour
almost immediately after Manafort came aboard in late March, according to
several sources with knowledge of the campaign. Manafort’s deputy and longtime
consigliere, Rick Gates, hired experienced GOP operative Rick Wiley in mid
April. Lewandowski had hired the firm WizBang Solutions as a direct-mail vendor
for the campaign, paying the company about $500,000 in April, according to FEC
reports. On Manafort’s watch, Wiley, a Wisconsin native, brought in another
direct-mail firm with roots in Madison, Wisc., that was paid more than $730,000
by the Trump campaign over the course of just five days. Trump ruthlessly
scours the campaign’s financial reports; when he saw the numbers, according to
an aide, he peered up at Gates from his stack of papers and asked, “Well who
the f*** are you?” Wiley left the
campaign the following month.
Trump, however, never managed to resolve the civil war
simmering between Lewandowski and Manafort, which had created dueling camps
inside the campaign that remained even after Lewandowski’s defenestration.
“Frankly there are still a lot of Lewandowski fans around who felt he was
treated poorly after he helped engineer one of the greatest primary victories
of all time,” says a source with knowledge of the situation. “You don’t just
dump the guy and have armed guards escort him out the door. So I think there’s
some payback here, not from Corey but from his allies.” Even Trump himself
remained torn between the two: According to New
York magazine, he continues to consult with Lewandowski.
With Manafort effectively sidelined, Trump is back in his
comfort zone. Yes, it’s the zone from which he toppled 16 primary opponents.
Nonetheless, many remain skeptical that even an amped-up version will prove
deft enough to defeat the Clinton machine.
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