By Kevin D. Williamson
Sunday, August 21, 2016
Many journalists are frustrated novelists and
screenwriters. Others are attracted to literary and cinematic writing for the
expanded creative horizons and the possibility of a big payday.
Imagine pitching Trump for President to Miramax. They’d
laugh you out of the office: Even for the people who brought you the oeuvre of
Quentin Tarantino, From Dusk till Dawn,
and Trainspotting, some stories are
just too ugly and unlikely.
And, besides, they already put out The Grifters.
Trump has just fired his campaign manager, Paul Manafort,
who, if recently unearthed documents are to be believed, is in the pocket of
pro-Moscow oligarchs in Ukraine. Reports the New York Times: “Handwritten ledgers show $12.7 million in
undisclosed cash payments designated for Mr. Manafort from [former president
Viktor] Yanukovych’s pro-Russian political party from 2007 to 2012, according
to Ukraine’s newly formed National Anti-Corruption Bureau.” Desks rose a few
inches in the oubliettes of the Internal Revenue Service at that news, surely.
There is also a criminal investigation under way
regarding an $18 million sale of Ukrainian cable-television operations to “a
partnership put together by Mr. Manafort and a Russian oligarch, Oleg
Deripaska, a close ally of President Vladimir V. Putin.”
(We must be thankful to the editors of the Times for scrupulously including that
middle-initial V, so as not to confuse the Russian president with all those
other Vladimir Putins in the news. I am reminded of the Swedish guitarist
Yngwie J. Malmsteen.)
That Manafort may be linked to the Muscovite cartel is
hardly disqualifying among Trump’s enthusiastic neo-nationalist followers —
President Putin, who likes to show off his bare chest and have his critics
assassinated, is their model of what a good leader looks like, literally and
figuratively.
Manafort’s replacement, however, must make them nervous.
Kellyanne Conway, a regular on “the shows,” as Trump
likes to put it (here meaning the likes of Hannity
and Real Time with Bill Maher), is a
pollster by trade, a veteran of the Wirthlin Group and Frank Luntz’s outfit.
Trump used to like to talk — and tweet — about the polls a great deal but has
been notably circumspect on the subject since they have shown Hillary Rodham Clinton
beating him like a redheaded stepchild. Getting a pollster to help with your
poll numbers is a little like getting a PET-scan tech to treat your cancer, but
Trump assures us that he hires only the best people . . . even if they seem to
have short careers on his campaign staff.
Trump put himself on the political radar by making a
dramatic ruckus about illegal immigration, and, even if his campaign bark has
been somewhat more vigorous than his policy bite (Trump has long supported a de
facto amnesty for illegals), even those of us who fully appreciate what a
lying, disreputable, dishonest, dishonorable, unfit, vulgar, despicable,
embarrassing con artist he is should be able to acknowledge that he has at the
very least done a service by hammering the wishy-washy Republican party over
the head on that issue, reminding it that there is a wrath worse than that of
the Chamber of Commerce.
Except . . . His new campaign boss was a lobbyist for
amnesty.
The Gang of Eight immigration-reform bill — the millstone
around Marco Rubio’s 2016 presidential ambitions — should have been embraced as
“good electoral politics for Republicans,” according to a memo Conway authored
during the debate, because “most Americans don’t believe deportation is a
viable policy.” She argued that enacting an amnesty for illegals would help
Republicans with the 25 percent of Hispanic voters who were undecided in the
next election. She worked for amnesty on behalf of Facebook founder Mark
Zuckerberg, no friend of conservatives, and his pro-amnesty organization.
“Pshaw!” the Trumpkins will scoff, “Conway’s just the
hired help. It’s the man in charge who really matters.”
The problem with that line of argument is that Conway
was, if anything, a little late to the party. Trump himself was supporting
amnesty before she wrote that memo; depending on what day you ask him, he still
supports some form of amnesty today, though his statements about that subject,
as with all subjects, are vague, contradictory, and frequently dishonest.
Personnel is policy, as they say: Trump also has hired
Goldman Sachs alumnus Stephen Bannon to help him rail against Wall Street.
We should consider the possibility that Donald Trump is
not really running a presidential campaign at all—that this is not politics,
but psychotherapy. Trump has always been a figure of fun among those whose
respect he most craves — the New York business community and the editors of the
New York Times — and he obviously
desires to be something more than a reality-television grotesque: a figure of
significance. His presidential campaign is his bid for self-actualization, and
it has taken along a great many gullible and credulous people — and a major
political party — for the ride.
There is in the South an expression, “waving the bloody
shirt,” which derives from a legendary episode involving a Massachusetts
congressman displaying the tattered, gory garment of a thrashed Ku Klux Klan
victim during a speech before the House of Representatives. (It’s a good story,
but it never actually happened.) Trump doesn’t know much, but he does know
showmanship, and he knew when to wave the bloody shirt and whose to wave: the
one belonging to murder victim Kathy Steinle, killed by an illegal alien who
was a seven-time felon. Presidencies have been built on less.
But anybody who believes that Trump is sincere in his
beliefs — which change by the minute — is a sucker.
If you want a good indicator of how unserious Trump is
and what his real motives are, consider that even as he is losing in
practically every swing state, many by large margins, he announced last week
his intent to concentrate on . . . Connecticut. Connecticut hasn’t gone
Republican since 1988, it’s as Democratic as New Jersey and Massachusetts, and
Trump is well behind Clinton in the polls there, unable even to break 40
percent. Connecticut has a grand total of seven votes in the Electoral College,
meaning that it would be a very small prize even if it were won. It is,
however, home to a great many New York City moneymen and assorted magnates,
poobahs, and tycoons. (British tax refugee Keith Richards has long lived in a
quiet country home there.) It’s also a place where Trump can campaign and still
sleep in his own gilded bed at night, and perhaps pop in for dinner at Jean
Georges.
A milquetoast Manhattan progressive reinvents himself as
an angry nationalist, surrounds himself with a whole Chalmun’s Cantina worth of
exotic and sundry cretins and oddities, and then, after securing the Republican
nomination, refuses to run an actual presidential campaign, spending more money
on payments to his own hotels than on actual politicking: According to Rebecca
Sinderbrand of the Washington Post,
he spent more on Mar-a-Lago expenses in the past month alone than on his first
campaign-ad buy.
That’s a story that’s too unlikely for Hollywood. On
Planet Trump, truth is stranger than fiction.
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