By David French
Wednesday, August 03, 2016
Let’s consider for a moment painful historical facts.
Since the founding of the American republic, the United States has found itself
sucked into three significant continental European wars, at immense cost in
American blood and treasure. Most Americans, of course, remember the two world
wars, which collectively cost more than 500,000 American lives, with total
casualties (killed and wounded) of roughly 1.4 million. Less remembered is the
War of 1812, with American conflict against Britain in large part a response to
British provocations during its war with Napoleon’s France. That war was far less
costly but did result in a British land invasion that was repelled only after
the king’s forces burned Washington, D.C., to the ground.
So it’s safe to say that European stability is squarely
within America’s vital national interests. And it’s not just Europe. Asian
instability and conflict resulted directly in the attack on Pearl Harbor.
Expansionist, universalist jihadist Islam despises America independently of our
support for Israel. The United States is the most powerful nation in the world,
with the most powerful, connected economy in the world. The notion that our
national interests are somehow best served through power vacuums that have
historically led to great power conflict is fantastical, at best.
In other words, American leaders have maintained a
bipartisan commitment to European and Asian alliances since World War II not
because they’re running the world’s largest international military charity but
because they do, ultimately, put “America first.” Indeed, within the
conservative movement, there has long been a broad understanding that American
military hegemony in many ways was the very definition of “America first” —
because without such hegemony, power vacuums could and would be filled largely
by hostile interests. Historically, it is the Left that has wobbled on those
commitments. It is the Left that has placed American resolve in doubt. Now,
it’s Trump’s GOP that is doing so.
If the United States Navy pulled back from the Pacific,
who would fill the void? The Chinese or the Japanese? Or would there reemerge a
historical race among the great powers for dominance, a race that would pose an
unacceptable risk of sparking exactly the kinds of conflicts that have
ultimately led to large-scale American
loss of life? If America refused its NATO security guarantees , and the
alliance consequently unraveled, who would fill the void? Are we sure that it’s
Britain and France? Or do we once again see the European powers revert to type
— especially with Russia demonstrably set on playing by its old rules?
Again and again, when you hear people touting the slogan
“America first,” you hear them arguing for “America less” — a diminished
nation, one that reverts to the status it had before the world wars, when a
less-powerful country enjoyed the free navigation of the seas (largely
guaranteed by the Royal Navy, not our own) and focused on opening up its own,
vast “near-abroad.” But those days are gone, never to return. The world’s
largest economy (with one of the world’s largest populations) depends on a high
degree of global peace and global security to maintain its way of life — to
maintain even the basic notions of an “American dream” in which our kids have a
chance to do better than their parents.
When it comes to the American economy and American
influence, less is not more. Of course that does not mean that more is always
more, either. We can’t be everywhere. We shouldn’t intervene everywhere. Even
our colossal economy has its limits in supporting and maintaining a powerful
military. We still have to pick and choose our battles.
But the new “America first” (which bears considerable
resemblance to the old “America first”) isn’t content with saying no new entanglements, no new wars. It questions the viability and
necessity of our most enduring alliances — the alliances that we know have kept
the peace on the European continent since 1945, that we know have prevented
even worse conflict in Asia since World War II. The argument now is that we
should hold our allies hostage, dangling their national security (or, in some
cases, their very existence) before their eyes in a “put up or shut up”
relationship that destroys trust and fails to acknowledge the very real
benefits that America receives from its closest international alliances.
A quest for international peace and international
economic liberty — twin forces that have lifted billions from poverty and have
helped dramatically increase opportunities and standards of living here at home
— is now sneered at as “globalism.” And rather than fighting over the wisdom of
any given alliance or treaty or intervention, a temptation is emerging to
condemn the entire international structure as inherently bankrupt.
Yes, our NATO allies should pay more for their own
defense. Yes, there is a free-rider problem in both the Europe and the Pacific,
but a world in which NATO partners spend, say, 0.5 percent more of their GDP on
defense is only marginally better than the world we live in today. A world in
which NATO dissolves over an American snit-fit over the failure to upgrade a
few brigades of infantry or add a new F-35 squadron is substantially worse. The
fact remains that NATO soldiers have bled and died since 9/11 in the common
defense of our nation, and any
indication that we, in our turn, would not honor our treaty obligations is both
strategically foolish and morally repugnant.
Before advocating radical change, it is wise to think
hard about the likely alternatives. And under a world that featured “America
less,” who would assert more? President Obama’s feckless, inward-focused
foreign policy has given a preview. Less America means more ISIS. Less America
means more Putin. Less America means more China. None of those developments are
good for the country we love. Want to put America first? Don’t throw away its
alliances. You won’t like who arises in our place.
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