By Ben Shapiro
Wednesday, August 17, 2016
This week saw the latest in a spate of riots in
Democratic cities: Milwaukee burned. It burned not because of some grave racial
injustice, but because a black officer shot a black suspect armed with a stolen
gun. That’s the new normal: Ferguson burned because a white officer shot a
black man who tried to take his gun and then charged him; Baltimore burned
because a group of officers, some of whom were black, didn’t buckle a black
suspect into a seat, and that suspect died in the back of a police van.
Circumstance no longer matters, however; neither does
proof of systemic discrimination. No, the only thing that matter is the perception of racial discrimination. And
that perception justifies violent racist action.
That’s what happened in Milwaukee, which has — not
coincidentally — seen a 70 percent spike in murder from 2014 to 2015. Rioters
torched a gas station while shouting “black power!” Some tried to chase down
white citizens unfortunate enough to drive into the wrong area. A leftist white
journalist fled the city after being targeted for his race; another reporter
was chased by men in a Chevy Suburban because he is white.
Great Racial Unifier™ President Obama couldn’t be reached
for comment — he was busy golfing. The media, meanwhile, continue to mirror the
stance of CNN’s Marc Lamont Hill, who calls such riots “uprisings” and states
that there is a need for “resistance to oppression . . . and you can’t
circumscribe resistance,” and declares, with no sense of irony, that black
Americans cannot be racist.
Why in the world would the Left sign off on riots that
damage black businesses, raise crime rates in the black community, and destroy
community relations with the police? Why would leftists pretend that looting a
store for a flat screen television or grabbing the nearest set of hair
extensions and running for the exits constitutes valid civil-rights activity?
Because the Left has used riots as a tool of policy for
decades.
Fred Siegel documented what he terms “riot ideology” in
his book The Future Once Happened Here.
Such ideology took deep hold in the 1960s, with prominent politicians such as
Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach warning of riots in “30 or 40” cities if
LBJ’s favored legislation providing funding to inner-city communities wasn’t
rammed through Congress. Siegel wrote, “As the immediate threat of riots
subsided, liberals would argue that more money for the cities was essential —
if not to halt riots, then to contain the still rising racial anger, which expressed
itself in rising rates of often violent crime.”
Political thugs such as future D.C. mayor Marion Barry
fully embraced this logic. He said of the violent activities of the Black
Panthers: “I think that everything that anybody does is good. I’m serious. For
instance, I know for a fact that white people get scared of the Panthers, and
they might look at somebody a little more moderate and say, ‘Well, let’s give
them a little money.’” Political cowards such as New York Mayor John Lindsay
routinely caved to this kind of pressure: He said that welfare expansion would
be a necessary precondition to stopping riots. “Our experience,” said one of
his aides, “is that some good can come of confrontation politics.”
Riot politics hasn’t been relegated to the threat of race
riots. After the murder of Martin Luther King Jr. in 1968, for example, the
nation’s largest trade union of public employees, the American Federation of
State, County and Municipal Employees, blackmailed the city of Memphis with the
threat of riots. The head of AFSCME called an assistant to Vice President
Hubert Humphrey and informed him that violence would occur if Memphis didn’t
capitulate to AFSCME’s union demands: “I don’t know what buttons to press,” he
said, “but goddammit, Memphis is going to burn.” The White House sent an
emissary to Memphis, and the city quickly capitulated.
The Left still recognizes the value of a good, clean
riot. German Lopez of Vox wrote on Monday, “Riots are the culmination of a
serious distrust in the system — and can lead to real, substantial change.”
Lopez cited the examples of the Baltimore DOJ’s investigating the police
department after the riots; the federal Kerner Commission, which pushed reforms
of local police departments after riots during the 1960s; and the imposition of
new policing standards in Los Angeles after the Rodney King riots in 1992.
There’s something stomach-churning about the logic here.
Leftists have governed virtually every city in which major riots have taken
place, from Milwaukee (no Republican mayor since 1908) to Baltimore (no
Republican mayor since 1967) to Los Angeles (before the 1992 L.A riots, no
Republican mayor since 1961) to Detroit (where the mayor during the 1967 riots
was a Democrat who had walked arm-in-arm with Martin Luther King). Yet instead
of governing properly — instead of making life better for their citizens —
politicians have worked hand-in-glove with agitators who riot, thereby placing
outside pressure on politicians to take radical action. This inside-outside
game perverts politics itself: Instead of voters electing politicians who will
enact their agenda, politicians become tools of violent mobs — or worse,
instigators of those mobs for purposes of clubbing the voters into submission.
While leftists may believe that riots have made life
better for those living in their cities, there’s little evidence of that.
Ferguson isn’t better off because of its riots — no business will invest there.
The same is true of Baltimore. And Milwaukee won’t see any uptick in living
standard because rioters choose to bash in car windows while shouting about
racial solidarity.
But the Left gets the images it wants: the images of
constant crisis flashing across our television screens. Then leftist
politicians offer us salvation in the form of payoffs. All we have to do to
stop the violence is pay up. In essence, the Left’s agenda is exactly that of
the infamous Milwaukee rioter who told the media, “The rich people, they got
all this money, and they not like trying to give us none.”
The Left utilizes rioters to achieve that redistribution.
All it costs is the businesses of local black people, the safety of black
residents, and the possibility of recovery in high-crime black areas.
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