By Kevin D. Williamson
Wednesday, July 01, 2026
Speaking Sunday night at the Trump Kennedy Center,
where he was receiving the Mark Twain Prize for American Humor, Bill Maher
offered an excellent bit of advice for politicians who do not wish to be
mocked:
“Stop being funny.”
It is a simple thing, and a not-so-simple thing.
When politicians are being ridiculous, Maher said, “I put
them in jokes—jokes that work.” Jokes that work is the key thing. It is
axiomatic in comedy that the way to kill a joke is to explain it, but it is
worth thinking about why and how Maher’s jokes, and other jokes about
politicians, work. If politicians are to stop being funny, then they
will need to answer the question: When are politicians funny?
For one, politicians are funny when they are needy—especially
when they show themselves to be in desperate need of attention and adulation.
Pete Hegseth’s risible workout videos are an example of this. Bill Clinton’s
general neediness was both pitiable and funny as he tried to fill whatever awful
vacancy is at the center of him with junk food and junk sex. Donald Trump’s
pharaonic megalomania is both disturbing and hilarious, even if the scolds
insist that there is nothing to laugh about in such times as these. Jill
Biden’s insistence upon calling herself “Dr. Biden” is funny. Alexandria
Ocasio-Cortez’s need to swan around at the Met Gala while pretending to be an
in-the-trenches class warrior is funny. European Central Bank boss Christine
Lagarde’s constant sophomoric LinkedIn posting, which makes her look like she
is desperately seeking employment, is eminently mockable.
Beyond neediness, politicians—and media figures and
activists—also are funny when they are unreasonable. Ross Perot’s mania
was a gift to Saturday Night Live’s Dana Carvey and other satirists.
There is a reason everybody makes fun of vegans, Bible-thumpers, libertarians,
and the fading memory of Greta Thunberg. Humor is one of the ways we try to
keep politics inside the 40-yard lines—extremists are inviting targets for
satire. About half of The Blues Brothers is an extended riff on the
ridiculousness of George Lincoln Rockwell and his American Nazi Party.
Politicians also are funny when they are transparent.
The late Rev. Jesse Jackson has a complicated legacy, but he understood himself
as a performer and understood that others knew his preacherly cadence and
soaring, moralistic rhetoric were a device, something he could turn on and
off—which is why he himself sometimes had a good laugh about it, for example in
his famous reading of Green Eggs and Ham. That Jackson also was a moral
hypocrite was understood without a literal nod and wink. Similarly, the
jaw-clenching patrician William Weld could laugh at himself, informing critics
who insisted that he was pampered and out of touch that “the Welds arrived in
1630 with only the shirts on their backs and 2,000 pounds of gold.” William F.
Buckley’s mayoral campaign was a publicity stunt. Everybody knew it, and
Buckley himself acknowledged it when he declared that, if he won, he would
immediately “demand a recount.” Bob Dole did not try very hard to hide his
bitterness about losing the presidency to such a specimen as Bill Clinton: “I
want children to know that, in America, anybody can grow up to be
president. Except me.” It was, as Maher would say, a joke that works. Like the
man who affects a humorously curmudgeonly persona to mask the more profound
misanthropy of his actual character, figures such as Jackson and Weld put
forward gentler versions of their vicious tendencies as a kind of psychological
and moral vaccine.
Politicians also can be mocked, at times, for their
virtues, usually when they manifest themselves as too much of a good thing. In
real life, George H.W. Bush was the kind of badass that dorks such as Pete
Hegseth pretend to be. If you were a Japanese soldier in 1944, you didn’t want
to see Bush coming—but by 1992 his excruciatingly self-effacing WASP style was
an anachronism, and it was easy to mock him as wishy-washy, as a “wimp.” Mitt
Romney’s let’s-not-get-carried-away-with-ourselves conversational style—I have
heard him pronounce the sentence “I love data” with no
self-consciousness at all—makes him seem as though he lacks the true
politician’s obligatory passion, which, God bless him, he probably does.
It also makes him seem like a man whose brain is running a software update in
the background. For my own part, I could stand a bit more of that old Bush-era
Ivy League leadership style, with its modesty, moderation, and genuine sense of
duty, just as I could make room for a lot more unexciting and unexcitable
politicians such as Romney. But I also recognize that the humor directed at
these men points to the vices that attend their virtues: The old country club Republicans
may have had a genuine sense of civic responsibility, but they also had a
genuine sense of entitlement to political power; the data-driven pragmatism
associated with Romney’s style of politics also is very often associated with a
certain excessive plasticity of principles.
Naked dishonesty in politicians is funny. So is
incompetence. So is howling demagoguery. Quiet, unshowy competence is not very
funny. A program of prudent and gradual reform is not usually very easy to
satirize. Being quietly good at your job—that is very, very difficult to mock.
Bill Maher is right. Politicians should stop being funny.
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