By Benjamin Kerstein
Friday, May 22, 2026
It is quite common for defenders of Israel to preface
their statements with the phrase, “Israel isn’t a perfect country,” which is
true, as far as it goes, but rather misses the point. Given the blizzard of
defamation and demonization that surrounds the Jewish state, the issue is not
whether Israel is perfect, but whether it is as imperfect as its enemies
claim.
The answer is self-evident, because no country
could be as imperfect as Israel’s enemies claim. Even Nazi Germany, perhaps the
one completely uncomplicated case of an outright demonic regime, was only
charged (rightly) with wanting to take over the world, whereas Israel is
regularly charged with having already taken over the world. Demonization
can only be taken so far before it takes on a distinct quality of the
ludicrous.
This simple fact was demonstrated once again last week
when the New York Times published Nicholas Kristof’s impossibly long opinion column (tellingly, it was not published in the news
section), charging that Israel systemically sexually abuses Palestinian
prisoners, including through the physical impossibility of trained rape dogs.
Regarding the piece itself, Israeli journalist Amit Segal
has made short work of it. Kristof’s column draws on 14 unverified
accounts, each of which lacks “details that would allow for investigation,
verification, or refutation, to claim that systemic sexual abuse is widespread
throughout the Israeli prison system,” Segal reports, referencing a
Hebrew-language analysis by Israeli academic Danny Orbach. For comparison, in
2020, “approximately 16,000 complaints of sexual assault and harassment by
guards against prisoners were recorded in the United States, with only a tiny
fraction proven to be based on real incidents.”
Kristof’s column also relies on several testimonies
provided by Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, a nongovernmental organization that
Israel accuses of having links to Hamas. The NGO has a history of trafficking
in unverified anti-Israel conspiracy theories, including “suspicions” that the
Israeli military harvests the organs of Palestinians and invented a weapon
that “evaporates” its victims’ bodies. Euro-Med’s chairman, Ramy
Abdu, expressed support for Hamas’ October 7, 2023, massacre, and
its board chairman, Richard Falk, has long flirted with 9/11 “truther”
conspiracy theories, hinting that the attacks may have been an inside job led by
American neoconservatives. In the presence of such witnesses, skepticism, at
the very least, is warranted.
Yet there was apparently no scrutiny of Euro-Med’s claims
on the part of Kristof or the New York Times. There are many reasons for
this. The Times has become increasingly anti-Zionist and arguably
antisemitic in recent years. For example, it published a Peter Beinart column calling for Israel’s dissolution and replacement
with a vaguely defined binational state, was heavily criticized for running a remarkable
quantity of stories hostile to New York’s ultra-Orthodox Jewish community,
and has been accused of whitewashing New York City mayor Zohran
Mamdani’s antisemitism. It is not impossible that its staff either wanted to
believe Kristof’s story or did not believe it but printed it anyway for
political purposes.
As for Kristof, he is a professional moralist—not always
wrongly—tackling such topics as human trafficking, mass slaughter in Darfur,
the dangers of pornography, and similar issues. As worthwhile as some of his
other work may be, however, Kristof could not possibly have passed up the
chance to once again play the denunciatory prophet. This predilection has
gotten Kristof into trouble before, as when he hailed nurse Greg Mortenson for
building schools in Afghanistan and Pakistan, only to see Mortenson exposed
as a fraud. Under such circumstances, the phrase “don’t bother me with the
facts” is an apt one.
Indeed, in this regard, it is important to acknowledge
that not everything in Kristof’s article may be untrue. Certainly, the
self-evidently mad charge that Israel trains dogs to rape prisoners is telling,
but abuses happen in every prison system, and some of the claims made may be at
least vaguely accurate. The point, however, is that, given the provenance of
the reporting and the biases of the venue, there is no compelling and certainly
no coercive reason to believe that any of it is accurate. This means
that, contrary to the intentions of the accusers, the accusations, in and of
themselves, bear no evidentiary or moral weight whatsoever.
In many ways, however, the accuracy or inaccuracy of the
article itself is not the central issue. It is important, to be sure, but the
purpose of such attacks is not to prove or disprove anything. It is to bury the
reader beneath an avalanche of accusations, leaving critics to spend hours and
months trying to unpack and disprove each one. Meanwhile, TikTok and similar
platforms have transformed the dubious into the factual within milliseconds.
All of this underscores the ease with which guilt by
accusation can be asserted in today’s media landscape. It is this landscape
that is all-important in regard to Israel, because it constitutes something
like a mechanism, an enormous engine whose sole purpose is to manufacture and
disseminate the most barbarous and defamatory lies with the ultimate goal of
delegitimizing and destroying the Jewish state.
Segal himself notes how this is done, writing,
“[Kristof’s] interviewees, of course, were not found or selected by chance.
This raises the question: who was Kristof’s ‘fixer’? Reporters who do not know
the language almost always rely on local fixers, and Kristof claims he found
the interviewees through ‘human rights organizations,’ which Orbach suggests
points to a preplanned direction by Euro-Med or its ilk.”
None of this is new. There was the notorious “Jenin
massacre” scandal of 2002, in which Palestinians and their supporters charged
that Israel had killed hundreds of civilians in an operation in the West Bank
city of Jenin during Operation Defensive Shield. Widely reported as true at the
time, the charge was so conclusively debunked that even the United Nations,
despite its longstanding hostility to the Jewish state, was forced to admit it was a lie.
More recently, there was the 2023 Al-Ahli Hospital
bombing, the result of a misfired Palestinian rocket that was, initially,
blamed on Israel by the Times and the global media as a whole. This is
not even to speak of the “genocide” blood libel now parroted by the likes of
Sens. Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, which began when Israeli military operations had barely started
in 2023. Such libels stretch back to the beginning of Israeli history, indeed
to the origins of Zionism itself, with the endlessly repeated charge that a
Jewish liberation movement was, in fact, a “colonialist,” “imperialist,”
“racist,” and “genocidal” endeavor.
Another cause for concern is the timing of
Kristof’s article, which was published a day before the release of a
meticulously documented Israeli
report on Hamas’ rampant sexual violence during the October 7 massacre.
This was not a coincidence. The goal was very likely to distract attention from
the report, thus exonerating Hamas by default, and then to prove that, at the
very least, Israel is as bad as Hamas.
Kristof was not subtle in this regard. Throughout his
piece, he compares the alleged Israeli abuses to Hamas’ proven atrocities,
implying equivalence if not the greater infamy of the former. He ends with the
peroration: “Think of it this way: The horrific abuse inflicted on Israeli
women on Oct. 7 now happens to Palestinians day after day.” There is little to
be said about such a statement, except that, even if everything Kristof
claims is true, it is a monstrous thing to say. All atrocities are, after
all, incommensurable. But Kristof not only rejects this axiom, he also elevates
one atrocity at the expense of the other and the alleged at the expense of the
proven.
The mechanism that generated all this and more puts one
in mind of Josef K.’s statement to the court in Franz Kafka’s The Trial:
“There can be no doubt that behind all the pronouncements of this court, and in
my case, behind the arrest and today’s inquiry, there exists an extensive
organization.”
Today, the trial is conducted by a global tribunal,
composed of media outlets like the New York Times as well as Muslim
organizations, progressive “activists,” prominent NGOs, international
institutions of all kinds, and innumerable social and cultural influencers. As
in the case of Kristof’s article, these forces manufacture lies, gather the
“evidence” to “prove” those lies, corral and coach “witnesses,” collate the
“proof,” funnel it to journalists either gullible or malicious, and then
disseminate the defamation worldwide. There is a reason, after all, why stories
like Kristof’s, and numerous others like the “Jenin massacre” and the Al-Ahli
bombing, only go in one direction.
This mechanism is not a conspiracy because it does not
require conspiracy. It is simply a pervasive culture of hate, neither secret
nor occluded, that acts in tandem because all who are party to it agree on the
most essential point, which is the demonic nature of Israel and the Jews and
the necessity of marginalizing and ghettoizing both.
For Israelis and Jews, this has terrible results. As in
Kafka’s novel, our trial is for an infinite crime and it has no end. The result
is a constant and psychologically exhausting atmosphere of defamation. We feel
the world closing in around us, threatening to bury us under the sheer force of
its hate, and we know that, out of the mechanism’s industrial-level incitement,
violence will come. We remember the killing of Israeli embassy workers Yaron
Lischinsky and Sarah Milgrim; the firebombing murder of pro-Israel protester
Karen Diamond in Boulder, Colorado; the horrific Bondi Beach shooting that
killed 15 people; and too many similar atrocities to live under any illusions.
I have no doubt that, because of Kristof’s article, there
will be more politicians bloviating against Israel and the Jews, more hate
rallies outside synagogues, more assaults on individual Jews and Jewish
communities, and ultimately, more terrorism and more murder.
There is also the terrible wrong done to those who object
to the defamation. We are charged with unfairly attacking good and honest
people because those people “criticize Israeli policies.” The anguish this
causes can hardly be exaggerated. First, it effectively charges us all with
arguing in bad faith and outright lying for craven political reasons. Second,
it gaslights and isolates us, because while Jews may be ignorant of many
things, one thing we do know, with terrible intimacy, is antisemitism.
Finally, because guilt is always presumed by accusation, it seeks to force us
to “defend the indefensible,” even when the “indefensible” is a damnable lie.
All of this takes a terrible emotional toll. I have seen
Jews rage in frustration, weep in anguish, and at times simply sit in despair
at the constant barrage of hate to which the mechanism subjects us. One friend
said to me, “I don’t know how to live in this world anymore.” We wonder not
only whether the world can be wrong and the Jews right, but whether the world
is, in some essential way, evil. This is a terrible burden to carry, and yet
the mechanism presumes, in its arrogance, that we should carry it forever.
I do not think that we will consent to carry it forever.
Sooner or later, the Jews will not stand for it. In a hopeful sign, a protest
was recently held outside the New York Times building in response to
Kristof’s article. It was attended by only a few hundred people, but it was
passionate, strident, and uncompromising. I hope that protest is the seed of
something larger, a movement of denunciation and dissent that will, at long last,
stop up the gears of the mechanism and bring some relief to its beleaguered
victims.
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