Sunday, May 31, 2026

How the American Right Went European

By Dominic Green

Thursday, May 14, 2026

 

In 2018, Steve Bannon, lately disemployed by the first Trump administration, attempted to launch the Academy for the Judeo-Christian West in an 800-year-old monastery at Trisulti, south of Rome. The New Right was rising in Europe and America, and Bannon wanted to harness the populist mood across the West. Working with the Dignitatis Humanae Institute, a conservative Catholic think tank, he devised a curriculum for training the young warriors of a New Right international.

 

It sounds like a parody of The Magic Mountain, Thomas Mann’s 1924 novel of decadence at Davos, or The Glass Bead Game, Hermann Hesse’s 1943 novel of philosophical frottage in a monastery. It turned out more like Mann’s Death in Venice — an old man capsized in a deck chair as the unattainable image of youth flits away from him forever.

 

The Europeans needed no lessons from the American impostor. They had impostors of their own. Also, their new populists were not new at all. They already had intellectual outriders and party infrastructures. Many of them had already worked in government, and were veterans of the coalition management and bureaucratic ambushes that would waylay the first Trump administration. Some were not conservatives at all.

 

While the Republican Party was stifling Pat Buchanan’s primary challenge in 1992 and chasing the peace dividend of the Cold War, European politics had taken a nationalist turn by popular demand. By 2017, the Europeans were decades ahead. Bannon’s strategy of playing the left at its own game was old news. The dust and tear gas of 1968 had barely settled before a group of French intellectuals led by Alain de Benoist formed their Nouvelle Droite and planned how to run the New Left’s “march through the institutions” in reverse direction.

 

Government by hands-on, orange-faced charisma was introduced in Italy by Silvio Berlusconi in 1994, while Donald Trump was refinancing his casinos and married to Marla Maples. The watershed for immigration restriction in Europe came in 2001, when the Danish People’s Party, supporting a center-right coalition from outside the government, gave Denmark Europe’s strictest immigration policy. Meanwhile, first-term president George W. Bush wanted to give illegal immigrants a path to citizenship, and he softened further in his second term.

 

In 2002, the neofascist bruiser Jean-Marie Le Pen broke through the cordon sanitaire of France’s two-step presidential electoral process, requiring the centrist candidates to ally in a “republican front” against him in the runoff. In 2004, while Trump was limbering up for the first season of The Apprentice, another entertainer with a blond bouffant and well-timed zingers on immigration and Islam, Geert Wilders, launched the Party for Freedom in Holland. Wilders’s signature policies, economic deregulation and immigration restriction, were proto-Trumpian. So was his trolling of Holland’s liberal media. By 2010, when Trump was asking where Barack Obama had really been born, Wilders’s party was on the Danish track and supporting a center-right coalition from outside the government.

 

In Britain, the long march to the Brexit referendum of 2016 started in 1993 and gathered speed after Nigel Farage became leader of the UK Independence Party in 2006. Farage, like Wilders, is an economic liberal and cultural conservative: an admirer of Thatcher and Reagan. So is Nicolas Sarkozy of France. Sarkozy’s presidency, from 2007 to 2012, sounds like an out-of-town warm-up for Trump’s. He mocked the experts and the big-city liberal bobos (bourgeois bohemians) in the name of the silent majority, denounced immobilisme in government, and used the media to make himself le hyperpresident who personalized every issue. He ended up in jail for corruption.

 

As Hollywood upcycles European art-house movies for the general market, so the New Right in America has drawn on familiar precedents from the New Right in Europe. For over a century, however, America’s cultural empire has exported English-speaking ideas in the other direction; the directors Jean-Luc Godard and François Truffaut, epitomes of the French New Wave, worshipped American idols, especially the Hollywood movies of the British director Alfred Hitchcock. In politics, these kinds of exchanges have produced an unprecedented alteration on both sides of the Atlantic.

 

American and European conservatives have changed places. Some of the most prominent American conservatives talk like Europeans, only in English, while mainstream European conservatives think in English and speak in subtitles.

 

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Conservatism is two traditions, divided despite a common interest in Edmund Burke. There is the English-speaking conservatism of ordered liberty that emerged from within the liberal system of English constitutionalism and that extracted a futuristic Protestant self-image from the Hebrew Bible. And then there is the hard stuff. European conservatism developed in aristocratic and Catholic reaction to Anglophone constitutions, French revolutions, and the market exchanges that Thomas Carlyle called the “cash nexus.” Compared with this, most American conservatism is classical liberalism in risk-averse mode.

 

European conservatism was a reaction to the democratic revolutions of 1649, 1776, and 1789. It sought to restore legitimacy to a privatized and aristocratic political culture, and to rebind the theoretically indissoluble bonds between the nation and the “church and throne” before they were again unpicked by Jews, freemasons, heretics, and other beneficiaries of the Enlightenment conspiracy. American conservatism is the product of this “Anglo-Saxon” enemy: the middle-class, commercial, and public culture of contracts and democracy.

 

The founders of this European reaction were French: the Marquis de Sade before the revolution of 1789 and the Savoyard Joseph de Maistre after it. “The whole earth, perpetually steeped in blood, is nothing but a vast altar, upon which all that is living must be sacrificed without end,” Maistre wrote, “without measure, without pause, until the consummation of things, until evil is extinct, unto the death of death.” We can see why Maistre’s stylish and morbid polemics against modernity fell from intellectual favor after 1945. If you heard about him after that, it was in Isaiah Berlin’s anatomy of the Counter-Enlightenment and the roots of fascism.

 

Compare Maistre’s rantings about ritual sacrifice with James Madison’s measured warnings against faction in politics, or Sade’s elaborate flagellation rituals with Stormy Daniels’s tapping a rolled-up copy of Forbes magazine on Donald Trump’s rump, and we see the civilizational divide between Anglophone conservatism and the rest of the West. To map the differences of American and European conservatism, we should subtract Britain from Europe, as usual in the history of politics and gastronomy. Do that, and in America’s first 150 years we find little traffic with conservative intellectuals in Europe outside the channels of liberal Protestant theology and Catholic social doctrine.

 

In the early exchange programs — Carlyle and Emerson in the 1830s, Poe and Baudelaire in the 1840s, Henry James with himself in the 1880s — the American partner seems more interested in his interlocutor’s aesthetics than in his hostility to mass democracy. Nietzsche did not detonate in America until the 1920s, via the paraphrases of H. L. Mencken. Europeans liked American novelists but had no use for American political theories, discounting, that is, a mutual interest in the kind of trashy racial science that Tom Buchanan reads in The Great Gatsby.

 

After 1945, aligning Western Europe with American priorities became a strategic necessity. The purging of European conservatism’s illiberalism and its alignment with the Anglo-American tradition was part of Europe’s reconstruction. The conservatism we know as the “Burke-to-Kirk” syllabus is an artifact of the early Cold War. It assimilated the market theories of Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman into the prosperity doctrine of American progress. It applauded émigré skeptics such as Eric Voegelin and Leo Strauss when they warned that democracy was susceptible to mass irrationality; had not the sainted Burke warned as much? But the romance of unreason gave conservatism much of its appeal. The sainted Burke had admitted that too.

 

European conservatism was to politics as Madame de Staël’s Romanticism was to aesthetics. In On Germany (1813), de Staël called Romanticism a sensibilité, a “way of feeling” with origins in poetic memories of chivalry and Christian spirituality. This medieval mélange is pure Maistre. In the commercial world of English-speaking conservatism, it became an affected kind of Tory bohemianism: Benjamin Disraeli’s ruffles, Russell Kirk’s pipe and haunted slippers, William F. Buckley’s asking Allen Ginsberg to read a poem on Firing Line and admitting that he likes it. These mannered irrationalities are the harmless tribute of private vice to public virtue.

 

The fusionists of post-1960s American conservatism excluded the irrational and emphasized the bottom line. After 1945, Western Europeans first adopted Anglophone liberalism as part of their moral rehab, then watched enviously as Britain and America administered the tough love of the markets to get out of their 1970s slump. The European governments stalled for as long as they could: Sarkozy’s 2007 victory was expected to initiate France’s Thatcherite age, but it never happened. In Eastern Europe, conservatives learned the hard way that ordered liberty, even of the Orbán kind, is a bulwark against tyranny. After 1990, no one in Europe cared about sensibility and chivalry. They wanted market liberalism and the nation-state.

 

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Today, the leaders of European conservatism sound like the children of Thatcher and Reagan. Britain’s Nigel Farage has positioned his Reform UK party in the pro-market, center-right niche that made the Conservatives the most successful party in Western democracy. Polling suggests that he will win Britain’s next elections. In Holland, Geert Wilders moved his Party for Freedom (PVV) into the same lane. In the 2023 elections, the PVV became the largest party in the Dutch parliament and entered the ruling coalition.

 

In Italy, Giorgia Meloni may have started in neofascist youth groups, but she governs in the center-right Christian Democratic tradition that developed as an antidote to fascism in post-1945 Western Europe. In Sweden, Jimmie Åkesson’s Sweden Democrats are the second-largest party in the Riksdag and support a center-right coalition from outside the government. In Hungary, Péter Magyar, whose Tisza party in April’s elections ended Viktor Orbán’s and Fidesz’s 16-year run, wants to trim the state and reduce the public debt.

 

Though France is the exception on economic policy, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally is unexceptional in becoming the acceptable face of once unacceptable opinions. Her long campaign of dédiabolisation, freeing her party from her father’s sinister shadow and France from the memory of its fascist collaboration, has paid off. Though Le Pen is banned from running in the 2027 presidential elections because of an embezzlement conviction, her likely heir, 30-year-old Jordan Bardella, leads the polls by offering a classically French menu of state intervention.

 

While the Europeans sound Burkean, the voices of unreason dominate American conservatism. They dominate American liberalism, too, but conservatives were supposed to be the adults in the room. We know how they let this happen. The decline of mainline Protestantism hollowed out cultural values. Globalization hollowed out the middle class. The teachers’ unions hollowed out education. State-mandated racial discrimination hollowed out the promise of colorblind meritocracy. Mass immigration hollowed out the coherence of American society. Identity politics and resentment filled the fearful hollows. Social media merely accelerates the transmission and percolates the pattern of the old European reaction into the space where Burkean constitutionalism used to be.

 

The Democratic Party has adopted anti-Jewish politics to bridge the social gap between affluent white liberals and their non-white rank and file. The metaphysics of resentment and delusion have eaten into all levels of the party and its allied institutions, especially the universities and the schools, and fused into a single ideology. The same mutation is metastasizing at elite and popular levels among Republicans and conservatives, especially among the young. As the Trump era enters the home stretch, conservatives must now decide if the Republican Party will go the same way.

 

America has always had racists. But where does the current march of folly lead? European conservatives are perplexed to see American conservatives, for so long the embodiment of reality-principle politics, disinterring dusty and dangerous fantasies from Europe’s past. They expect better from Americans. So do most Americans.

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