By Charles C. W. Cooke
Thursday, May 14, 2026
When Barack Obama was elected president for the first
time, I was still living in England. Had I been in the United States, and
eligible to vote, I would not have voted for him. But I remember thinking
nevertheless that it was a remarkable — even a beautiful — thing that, just
over four decades after the passage of the Civil Rights Act, the people of the
United States had elevated a black citizen to the highest office in the land.
Martin Luther King spoke of the Declaration of Independence as a promissory note
to which every American was to fall heir. That an African American could now be
chosen to lead the federal government struck me as a solid indication that, at
long last, that initial vow had been substantiated.
I still think that. Which is one reason, among many, why
I regret that I cannot stand the man. Periodically, we are treated to a
reasonable stretch of silence, and I begin to wonder whether I was unfair to
him while he was in office. And then he comes back, says something profoundly
irritating, and reminds me exactly why I was so irked by him in the first
instance. Now, as then, when Obama speaks, I am left looking around in
astonishment at other people, trying to determine whether they, too, can see that
the whole edifice is a ball of hype and gamesmanship. You know what I’m talking
about: that Apollonian affect — that studied, above-it-all mien, which, even
when he was president, allowed him to engage in bare-knuckle politics while
pretending that he was a detached, innocent bystander whose only concern was
for the forgotten middle.
People often say that the primary problem with Barack
Obama was that he was racially divisive. I’m not sure this is true. Certainly,
he had his moments — the “acted stupidly” (about the police involved in the
Henry Louis Gates incident) and “if I had a son” (about the Trayvon Martin
shooting) mistakes among them — but, overall, I was never especially bothered
by his record in that realm. Indeed, insofar as Obama discussed race, he did so
in the same manner as do other elite progressives with whom I disagree. Sure, I
don’t like it. But that isn’t a problem with him so much as a problem with the
movement to which he belongs. America was not a racial paradise before Barack
Obama came into office, and it is not a racial paradise now that he’s been out
for a decade. If I were to compile an audit of the reasons why that is the
case, the presidency of Barack Obama wouldn’t make the list.
No, the problem with Obama was that he was politically
divisive — and in ways that were rendered particularly infuriating by the
insistence of his acolytes that he was just a plucky technocratic moderate who
wished devoutly to find compromise with the other side. Barack Obama was — and,
indeed, Barack Obama is — no such thing. On the contrary: He is a
committed ideologue and a partisan brawler who, by dint of his considerable
talents, has worked out how to hide both of those traits from the average
member of the public. Where Bill Clinton was a moderate (at least after 1994),
Barack Obama merely played one on TV. He would posit “the one hand,” and then
posit the “other,” and then, however objectively ludicrous the spatial
characterization might be, place himself right in the middle of the dispute.
When he meant “Democrats,” he’d say “democracy.” When he meant progressivism,
he’d say “common sense.” Even when he was doing something self-evidently
grotesque — suing nuns for declining to provide contraception, for example, or
supporting abortion up to the moment of birth — he’d coat his position in six
tubs of treacle. If you could see it, it was infuriating.
He’s still doing it. Having spent years opposing
gerrymandering on the grounds that it had led to a status quo in which “our
parties have moved further and further apart, and it’s harder and harder to
find common ground,” Obama went all in on Virginia’s recent attempt to turn a
51–46 state into a state with ten Democratic representatives and one Republican
representative. By trying to overturn the state’s constitutional prohibition on
gerrymandering, he said in one of the many TV ads, radio spots, and mailers in
which he appeared, Democrats in Virginia were simply trying to “stand up for
our democracy.” And who couldn’t be for that?
A few days later, Obama weighed in on the news that an
armed left-wing extremist had been prevented from killing people inside the
White House Correspondents’ Dinner — including the president, the vice
president, and members of his cabinet — by playing the humble observer.
“Although we don’t yet have the details about the motives behind last night’s
shooting at the White House Correspondents Dinner,” Obama wrote on X, “it’s
incumbent upon all us to reject the idea that violence has any place in our
democracy.”
Which sounds nice, unless you understand that, by the
time that post appeared, the would-be shooter’s manifesto had been published in
its entirety by every news outlet in the country, and that it was abundantly,
irrefutably, inescapably clear that the perpetrator had been engaged in
political terrorism. The target, the manifesto confirmed, was “administration
officials,” along with the “Secret Service,” “Hotel Security,” and “Capital
Police” and “most everyone” else if they got in the way. Why? Because in his
view, the administration is full of “criminals” and the president is a
“pedophile, rapist, and traitor.” In some circumstances, “although we don’t yet
have the details” is a virtuous and necessary prefatory statement. Here, it was
hardball politics at its most cynical. Obama understood that, rightly or
wrongly, his “side” would be blamed for the actions of the perpetrator. So he
hastened to muddy the waters and to replace the specific actions of a specific
man with the abstract concept of “violence.” It was irritating. And typical.
Much has been made in the press of the supposedly
dramatic break between the Obama presidency and the Trump presidencies, but I
don’t consider the two men to be as far apart as many others seem to. Often in
American history, the voting public swings sharply away from the style of the
exiting president and consciously chooses his polar opposite to replace him.
Thus, at various points, have we moved from Woodrow Wilson to Warren Harding,
from Richard Nixon to Jimmy Carter, from Jimmy Carter to Ronald Reagan, from
George H. W. Bush to Bill Clinton, and so forth. One might be tempted to
include Obama and Trump in this list. But how different are they, really?
Both men were treated as celebrities by the public and
the press, and as messianic figures by their boosters. Both men offered the
country an us-vs.-them politics (Obama, famously, said that Mitt Romney was
“not one of us”). Both men consciously centered attention on the executive
branch, with Obama vowing that “where Congress won’t act, I will” and Trump
suggesting that “I alone can fix it.” Both men were extraordinarily partisan,
reflexively tribal, and wont to cast their opponents as an existential threat
to the country. Both men relied on the tactic of “stray voltage” to distract
the media from the administration’s core issues. Both men had a conception of
what a “real American” looks like — in Obama’s case, the problem was people who
“get bitter, they cling to guns or religion or antipathy to people who aren’t
like them or anti-immigrant sentiment or anti-trade sentiment”; in Trump’s, the
problem is literally anyone who doesn’t like him — and they focused on those
people to the exclusion of everybody else. The biggest difference I can detect
is that Trump likes to display his ego, whereas Obama liked to disguise his.
But badly disguised egomania is still egomania. Had it wished to, the American
electorate could have responded to Barack Obama’s two terms by selecting Scott
Walker or Martin O’Malley as his successor. They didn’t though, did they?
Which, ultimately, makes Barack Obama something of a
tragic figure in American life. Without doubt, he has a lot going for him. He
is intelligent. He is tall. He is attractive, albeit in an easily caricaturable
sort of way. He has a lilting voice. Unlike Bill Clinton, he did not embarrass
the country by carrying on with the interns; unlike Trump, he did not behave
like a narcissistic lunatic while performing his official duties; and unlike
Joe Biden, he did not spend half of his time in the White House decaying before
the cameras. As a classically liberal conservative, I was never destined to
approve of Obama’s politics. But I could plausibly have liked the guy.
I don’t. Meet the old boss. Same as the new boss.
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