National Review Online
Friday, April 17, 2026
There is a crisis brewing at the Federal Reserve, and a
completely unnecessary one.
President Trump wants the current chairman, Jerome
Powell, whose term expires in a few weeks, to be gone. The Republican-led
Senate wants to replace Powell with Kevin Warsh, but only if Trump agrees to
end the absurd criminal probe into Powell that
he launched earlier this year. Powell also wants Trump to end that probe and
has threatened to stay in place, pro tempore, until his successor is approved.
Trump neither wishes to end the probe nor leave Powell in place, and he has
thus threatened to fire Powell if he stays on after his term is up. If Trump
were to follow through, we would enter uncharted waters, with potentially
significant economic consequences.
The easiest way out of the thicket would be for the DOJ
to stop the legal harassment of Powell. He is yet another example of a person
on Trump’s bad list who we are supposed to believe — very conveniently for
Trump’s purposes — just happened to engage in suspected criminal behavior
worthy of investigation and perhaps prosecution. Powell’s underlying offense,
of course, is not cutting interest rates on a timetable to Trump’s liking. This
almost certainly makes him the first monetary official in the history of the
United States to be criminally investigated over his worries that core
inflation might still be too high.
The probe is supposedly over Powell potentially
misleading Congress about the expensive renovation of the Fed’s headquarters, a
topic that Trump has banged on about. The DOJ has already seen a federal judge
take the unusual step of squashing subpoenas in the clearly pretextual
investigation. Showing persistence, if nothing else, the department sent a team
of prosecutors and a federal investigator to the construction site the other
day, only to get turned away.
Senator Thom Tillis, who sits on the banking committee,
is vowing to block Warsh’s nomination until the DOJ probe ends.
As a legal matter, all of this, for now at least,
involves questions of “ought” rather than “is.” Legally, President Trump can
bring criminal probes — even frivolous ones. He should not have brought this
one.
Legally, the Senate can decline to move expeditiously to
confirm a new executive official. In this case, it should do the opposite. And,
yes, there is a serious argument that under Article II, Trump can fire the
chairman of the Federal Reserve. But, understanding that the United States (and
his administration) has a great deal to gain from the separation of transient
politics and stable monetary policy, he should not wish to do any such thing.
Ultimately, then, this is a matter of prudence.
If things continue along the current path, consequential
legal questions will come into play.
Because the Federal Reserve is so important, and its
ostensible independence is so useful, the desired aim here should be to bring
about a resolution that will prevent the president from summarily firing its
leader and putting the constitutional basis of the Fed to the test.
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