By Sarah Parshall Perry
Monday, April 27, 2026
The American Bar Association’s monopoly over the
accreditation of U.S. law schools has long been defended as essential to
maintaining excellence in the legal profession. As the sole federally
recognized accreditor whose approval is required for bar eligibility in nearly
every state in the country, the ABA exercises monolithic influence over legal
education and, by extension, the judiciary and the bar. But this authority
rests on an implicit premise of institutional neutrality, a premise that no
longer holds — if it ever did at all.
In our work to secure a high-quality, value-neutral
education for every American student from preschool through graduate school,
Defending Education has recently released a report identifying the myriad ways that the American Bar
Association is unfit to continue in its role of overseeing American legal
education.
What are they, you ask? Let us count them.
For starters, the ABA doesn’t represent a majority — or
even a plurality — of American lawyers. In fact, its membership represents a
paltry 11–12 percent of actively practicing lawyers. As of last count, the ABA
itself notes that as of January 2024, while there are 1,322,649 active lawyers in the U.S., only about 150,000 are active ABA members. That kind of skeletal
representation could be a function of the ABA’s having taken positions on a
multitude of legal issues that reveal a consistently leftward tilt. For
example, America First Legal recently noted that over the past decade, at least 80
percent of the ABA’s Supreme Court amicus briefs advanced progressive outcomes,
with none supporting conservative legal positions. The ABA has, for example,
consistently argued for the losing perspective on abortion, gender identity,
gun control, and affirmative action. It has even gone so far as to argue that
the Equal Rights Amendment was ratified — a position so untenable that even the
Department
of Justice and Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg laughed it off.
That doesn’t just make the American Bar Association a
progressive advocacy organization masquerading as a neutral membership
organization; it makes them bad lawyers.
The ABA’s ratings of federal judicial nominees have also
long exhibited demonstrable inconsistency when applied to conservative
candidates. Empirical studies spanning multiple administrations, including
analyses published in Political Research Quarterly, document a pattern:
Republican nominees receive lower ratings than Democratic nominees with
comparable credentials. During both the first and second Trump administrations,
for example, numerous well-qualified conservative nominees received “not
qualified” ratings, indicating that rather than relying on objective peer
assessments to determine judicial fitness, the ABA’s Standing Committee on the
Federal Judiciary is instead applying de facto ideological filters.
Then there are the ABA’s skewed legal-education mandates.
Its standard 303(c) requires every accredited law school to provide all
students with education on “bias, cross-cultural competency, and racism” at the
beginning of their studies and again before graduation. Framed as professional
development, this requirement effectively compels “racial sensitivity” training
as a condition of accreditation — something that has absolutely no bearing on
the suitability of a law student to practice law. And for years, ABA Standard
206 required “concrete action” to promote diversity in student bodies,
faculties, and staff with respect to race, ethnicity, and gender — a regulation
that imposed race- and sex-based quotas in violation of federal civil rights
and constitutional law. Even after the Supreme Court’s decision in Students
for Fair Admissions v. Harvard (2023) rendered such practices
constitutionally suspect, the ABA maintained these standards until political
and legal pressure forced a temporary suspension until August 2026.
But a suspension is not a revocation, and a revocation is
what’s needed.
Lastly, the ABA’s House of Delegates has repeatedly
endorsed resolutions advancing specific positions on divisive cultural issues,
from abortion to gender identity to racial equity and beyond. Whatever one’s
views on these subjects, they are matters of legitimate democratic
disagreement, and by adopting progressive opinions as official policy, the ABA
has transformed from professional association to political agitprop, using its
accreditation leverage to shape the next generation of lawyers in its image.
Because most states condition bar admission on graduation
from an ABA-accredited school, and because federal student aid flows to those
institutions, the ABA effectively controls a law student’s prospects of being
professionally licensed. That control undermines public confidence in the
independence of the judiciary and the bar. Texas and Florida have already
divested the ABA of its accreditation status for their state bar’s eligibility.
But when the ABA’s accreditation approval is up for review this summer, the
Department of Education should go further and defenestrate the association,
unblocking its federal chokehold on legal education and the practice of law.
The legal profession thrives when it remains committed to
rigorous analysis and fidelity to the rule of law, not to a political agenda.
Restoring law school neutrality requires ending the ABA’s accreditation
monopoly.
The profession, the academy, and the public deserve
better.
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