By Pat Fallon
Monday, April 20, 2026
In 1942, the United States utilized the greatest minds in
particle physics to spearhead the Manhattan Project and achieve an absolute
victory in World War II. NASA employed a similar approach for the Apollo
missions to beat the Soviets and win the space race, giving life to advanced
computing technologies, material sciences, and communication satellites. Under
President Ronald Reagan, the Strategic Defense Initiative, which its critics
mockingly called “Star Wars,” allowed the U.S. to out-innovate the Soviets in
directed energy weapons, space-based sensors, and kinetic interceptors.
In each of these examples, the U.S. was able to leverage
perhaps its greatest comparative advantage over the opposition: American
innovation and the freedom to manufacture the future. But as technological
innovation in today’s geopolitical landscape accelerates at an unprecedented
pace, the U.S. must abandon its more recent posture of reacting to emerging
threats and transition to a proactive posture that detects, deters, and
suppresses threats before they even emerge.
President Trump fully believes that the U.S. must
maintain its position as the world’s dominant superpower, and he has shown a
commitment to making that the prime focus of his administration. Just over a
year into Trump’s second term, the U.S. is not only seizing the current moment
but preparing our nation for the challenges and threats of tomorrow. The Trump
administration is creating an industry-friendly environment unlike any we’ve
seen before — a key shift if we are to remain the dominant global leader for
the foreseeable future.
In late March, under the leadership of Secretary Marco
Rubio, the State Department formally notified Congress about the creation of the Bureau of Emerging Threats. This office’s
mission will vary dramatically compared to established government agencies.
Instead of regulating key sectors only after a substantial threat has already
developed, this office’s outlook will be proactive. Its goal is to get ahead of
global competitors, establish dominance, and retain the initiative.
While the U.S. has traditionally displayed its dominance
over state-sponsored terrorists, criminal groups, and insider threats with
intelligence and kinetic capabilities, the magnitude at which our peer
adversaries are investing and developing emerging technologies must be met with
the full force of the U.S. government and our private sector experts.
These adversaries are already using emerging technologies
as tools of state power in the gray zone, wherein states employ ambiguous or
plausibly deniable methods for strategic ends. For example, we have seen this
with repeated Russia-linked cyberattacks on U.S. government agencies, as well as with
surveillance and data mining software embedded in Chinese-produced electronics. Perhaps the most
recent high-profile example would be China’s hack of the AI assistant, Claude. It is in the gray zone
that states often operate below the threshold of armed conflict in the areas of
economic disruption, espionage and intelligence collection, and communication
and information interference.
If the U.S. wants to continue to deter and combat these
threats, it must remain the global superpower in artificial intelligence,
quantum computing, space, advanced cybersecurity, biotechnology, and advanced
military technology. This is why the Bureau of Emerging Threats’ three
overarching pillars focus on cyberattacks targeting critical infrastructure,
threats in the space domain, and military applications of artificial
intelligence and quantum technologies.
Still, many like to focus on the latency or failures of
the U.S. government in terms of technological development. Thankfully, the U.S.
has an unprecedented resume when it comes to innovation domination, and
organizations like the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency, commonly
known as DARPA, have pioneered countless world-altering technologies, such as
the internet, GPS, and next-generation stealth fighter systems.
Similarly, the U.S. government can also be credited with
advanced research and development of semiconductors through the SEMATECH
consortium, the nuclear submarine via the Naval Reactors program, and other
commercial technologies like GPS, artificial intelligence, and
microelectronics.
Secretary Rubio is anticipating — and envisioning — an
even more highly sophisticated world where U.S. dominance of emerging
capabilities will be a key metric in the fight for global superiority. The
establishment of the Bureau of Emerging Threats stands as a testament to how
seriously this administration is taking that fight.
Under the Bureau of Emerging Threats, the U.S. government
will be able to effectively and efficiently identify advanced threats, powered
by American innovation via the private sector. The battlefield of tomorrow is
unknown, but if we take a proactive, pragmatic position, we can mitigate — and
ultimately eliminate — those threats before they manifest.
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