By Elizabeth Grace Matthew
Monday, February 09, 2026
Americans today spend a great deal of political and
cultural energy litigating between the comparative importance and veracity of
two well-documented crises,
in education as well as in life more broadly.
The first crisis, worrisome to conservatives and
thoughtful liberals but considered explicable if not laudable by many
progressives, is the political
radicalization of young women. While young men’s average views have
remained fairly steady over the past several decades, young women’s have
drifted sharply leftward. Decreased
fertility and a rejection of motherhood seem to be both a cause and a
result of this phenomenon insofar as mainstream feminism, which typically
evinces disdain for the traditional family, is inextricable from progressivism.
The second crisis, broadly associated with masculinity,
has two elements: male academic and professional underperformance
and failure
to launch, combined with elevated mortality and decreasing life expectancy,
which worries
everyone but those leftists who pooh-pooh
its existence; and male radicalization
rightward that may be limited in scope but is nonetheless deeply disturbing
in substance (i.e., a growing embrace of overt racism, antisemitism, and
misogyny, along with a rejection of marriage
and involved fatherhood).
But the truth is that too many young Americans of both
sexes have the same basic problem: They lack any sense of purpose or duty
larger than themselves and their own preferences. Whether or not to embrace marriage
and parenthood
has become a question—rather than a given—on both the left and the
right,because young Americans often see these pillars of civilization merely as
morally neutral lifestyle choices that should be made only insofar as they
increase one’s own happiness. Similarly, “quiet
quitting” is prevalent among Gen Z employees because many of them place no
value on work or productivity for its own sake. There is no longer, in other
words, any significant internalized pressure or social impetus to prioritize
marriage, children, or hard work.
Gone are the antiheroines of 20 years ago—Bridget Jones,
Carrie Bradshaw—performing pseudo-empowered 30-something singleness while
not-so-secretly pining for marriage. Today, nothing is universally considered
worth either pining or working for.
Too many young Americans are nihilistic individualists,
with no true conception of either the common good or their own. This is true of
those who profess collectivist social
justice and gender
identity-based feminism in defiance of facts and logic. It is equally true
of those who, in defiance of the American
idea itself, wish to repeal the 19th
Amendment and object to the white Vice President J.D. Vance having married
the daughter of Indian immigrants.
How did we get here?
Both the left and the right would like to blame our
failure to produce more young people who understand pluralism, evince grit, and
embody hope mostly on economic and cultural conditions wrought by the other
side. Popular scapegoats include the so-called affordability crisis; the
ongoing political and cultural polarization of women and men; and the
diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives in elite professions that resulted
in discrimination against white males. But none of these scapegoats can reasonably
account for the youth’s fall away from fertility, industry, and patriotism.
While it’s true that economic anxiety is prevalent among
young people, today’s affordability
struggles are not new. We have had a system in need of reform, and
overweighted toward the super-rich, for decades. Yet only in the last decade
have so many young Americans veered toward revolutionary politics, been
alienated from marriage and children, and demonstrated little desire to achieve
status, purpose, or success. Meanwhile, while women still do more child care than
men, fathers have never been more involved with their children; the birth rate
is tanking alongside enormous increases in paternal caregiving. And, sure,
millennial and Gen Z white men (and nonwhite
people who do not accept leftist tenets on race) were indeed systematically
excluded from advancement in certain high-status, high-earning professions
in 2010s. But such professions do not comprise anywhere near a majority of the
workforce; so, one would be hard-pressed to blame the well-documented malaise
and underachievement of many young men on decreasing numbers of white males
getting tenure lines at universities. Something else—something deeper and more
fundamental than any partial, zero-sum, and clinical diagnosis can capture—is
going on here.
It seems that so many of today’s young people are
fundamentally unmoored because they lack a working cultural script for a
respectable, meaningful adult life that involves pursuits bigger than their own
momentary convenience or pleasure. One undersold component of our broad slide
toward nihilism, then, might be our collective failure to effectively inculcate
in a new generation of Americans that most American of lessons: An ordinary
life with ordinary
sacrifices, freely and courageously lived, is not ordinary at all, but
extraordinary.
***
The question confronting us as Americans today is not how
to have a functional civilization. We already know how to do that, though we
sometimes lack the political will to act on what we know. The issue we now face
is how to help a generation of blinkered, ignorant young people recognize that
a functional civilization is worth perpetuating; and that its
perpetuation ultimately depends not on some bounce of a governmental or cosmic
ball, but on the collective virtue of everyone’s individual choices.
This is a difficult pill for young Americans to swallow.
After all, we have taught them that virtue applies only to collectivist goods,
like equal rights. Moreover, we have allowed them to believe that with the
absence of overwhelming adversity comes the right to exist without struggle.
In the 2015 Broadway hit Hamilton, Lin-Manuel
Miranda’s storyline draws on the class differences between the impoverished,
fatherless founding father Alexander Hamilton and his orphaned yet wealthy
contemporary and eventual assassin, Aaron Burr. Hamilton, Burr points out,
“faces an endless uphill climb. He has something to prove; he has nothing to
lose.”
Historically, most Americans have tended to love tales of
underdogs like Hamilton achieving their due: Determined 19th-century
suffragettes getting women the vote; impoverished 19th- and 20th-century
immigrants (and first- and second-generation Americans) pursuing and obtaining
the American dream; courageous 20th-century Black Americans
obtaining long overdue civil rights and economic mobility.
But many young Americans, reared on such stories—not just
in popular culture but in family lore—have no idea how to orient themselves
toward virtue from the position of relative privilege that they in fact occupy.
So, some cosplay as underdogs who are being barred from the erstwhile pillars
of adult life by malevolent forces beyond their own control: Men are misogynistic
shirkers, so marriage and motherhood are oppressive to women;
women are shrill, slutty hags, so marriage is for men who are weak
and pathetic; and so on.
Others take parents’ economic security as license to opt
out of life itself by failing to “launch” or to progress: Professional
advancement and financial independence involve trade-offs that don’t always
jive with “wellness” or self-actualization, so working hard is for suckers.
Meanwhile, many rely on their parents and their therapists
to validate the nihilistic notion that the foundational aspects of civilization
(marriage, family, industry) are only worth engaging if they make you
momentarily happy, and that independent households are overrated. Plenty of
younger Boomers and older Gen Xers are credulous and hypocritical enough to
oblige. So much for other-regard and sacrifice; so long, It’s A
Wonderful Life.
In reality, however, we know that the vast
majority of people, male and female, are better
off married; that marriage is tied to fertility;
and that children’s outcomes are best when they are raised by married
parents. We know that to lose the American work ethic is to condemn
our children to devolution and decay. Sure, the average American today could
survive while opting out of marriage, parenthood, and professional
productivity—but in almost all cases (s)he should not. Survival is the
baseline, not the aspiration.
We need to bring back “should.” Not out of a desire to be
judgmental or punitive. But out of the recognition that, without it, we are
depriving the young of civilizational wisdom, and thereby contributing to their
depression, anxiety, and malaise.
My husband and I, both college graduates with terminal
degrees, are raising four sons. We live beneath our upper-middle class means in
a racially and socioeconomically mixed neighborhood, and send our children to a
similarly diverse parochial school.
My husband is a first-generation Liberian American. As a
kid growing up in East Cleveland, he dreamed of a childhood of Little League
baseball, school plays, and modest family vacations. He has spent the 13 years
of our marriage working himself dizzy, both at work and at home, to give that
childhood to our sons.
Today’s zeitgeist is shot through with morally
relativistic disdain for all that he has achieved. Yet, those who accept that
zeitgeist also continue to congratulate him for having achieved it.
This is an unstable equilibrium. Either these erstwhile
hallmarks of adult life well-lived are objectively valuable, or they aren’t. We
say that they are.
But in a wider culture that won’t offer that kind of
clarity due to excessive concerns about tolerance, how do we inculcate in our
sons the kind of commitment, faithfulness, and work ethic that will increase
their likelihood of following their father’s example? This is the animating
question of our lives, and we have no playbook to follow. Sure, we have
instincts that involve manufacturing a lot of countercultural adversity
ourselves: Growing boys need strict discipline more than dialogic indulgence;
objective competition more than subjective cooperation; and some measure of
independence more than an excess of safety.
But providing an example and following our instincts is
not likely to be enough. We also need precepts. And precepts are by definition
rife with a controversial “should”: Marriage
is good and younger
marriage is better; children are
good and more
children are better; work is good, and more meaningful, productive, and
successful work is better.
The achievement of what was once but is no longer an
ordinary adult life—marriage, children, work—is not a mere lifestyle
preference. Nor is it a boring cope. It is extraordinary; it always was. The
sacrifices it involves are noble; they always were.
My 9-year-old asked me the other day: “How come you and
Daddy don’t have more kids?” (He is still angling for a sister). I told him
that we think four is likely the number of children we are called to have and
can raise well, given our family’s resources, limitations, and other
obligations. “Well. Maybe I’ll be able to have six one day,” he replied. “I
hope so, if that’s what you feel called to do,” I told him. And I do.
The thing we want to cultivate in our sons, more than
anything else, then, is a kind of noblesse oblige. My husband and I are not
working so hard—parentally, professionally, or communally—so that our sons can
one day do less. Indeed, we hope that they work every bit as hard, and
that they do more, especially for others. So, our greatest ally in
parenting, it turns out, is Spider-Man: “With great power comes great
responsibility.”
Young people today have a lot more power than our society
acknowledges. Maybe it would help if we all took some responsibility for
telling them so, and helping them see the moral virtue and personal happiness
to be found in making the most of it.
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