By Noah Rothman
Wednesday, February 11, 2026
In the hermetically sealed, ideologically homogenous
salons in which progressive infotainment addicts confine themselves, the notion
that Donald Trump is criminally implicated in Jeffrey Epstein’s sordid affairs
is dogma. This leads the progressive politicians who cater to that audience to
say things like this:
The president and his allies have not been able to
leverage reckless remarks like these, render them liabilities, and impose a
political price on their expostulators. They don’t even seem to be trying. It’s
not at all clear why.
Over the weekend, the Miami Herald revealed new and
credible details of the FBI’s mid-aughts investigation into Epstein’s criminal
activities. The Herald’s report rests on the testimony of onetime Palm
Beach, Fla., police chief Michael Reiter, whose Epstein-skeptical credentials
are sterling. Reiter publicly criticized local prosecutors in 2006 when they
opted not to charge Epstein outright but put the allegations against him before
a grand jury. Reiter’s lobbying won out in 2008, helping scuttle Epstein’s
non-prosecution agreement and paving the way for his conviction.
In 2019, Reiter provided the FBI with a statement in
which he recalled a conversation he had with Trump in the summer of 2006.
According to Reiter, Trump appreciated the former police chief’s work. “Thank
goodness you’re stopping him; everyone has known he’s been doing this,” the
future president reportedly said. In addition, Trump advised investigators to
“focus” their attention on Epstein’s “operative,” Ghislaine Maxwell, because
“she is evil.”
The revelation adds substance to Trump’s claim that he
cut off relations with Epstein in the mid-aughts. It is certainly more
compelling as the circumstantial evidence that Trump’s critics bring to bear to
accuse Trump of complicity with, if not direct participation in, Epstein’s
crimes. So, why isn’t the Trump administration making a bigger deal of this?
Perhaps because doing so would make little sense given the company Trump and
his movement keep.
This week, Donald Trump’s solicitor general, D. John Sauer, lobbied an appeals court to drop the charges
against the president’s onetime aide and federal convict, Steve Bannon. Sauer
argued “that dismissal of this criminal case is in the interests of justice.”
If the appeal persuades the court’s justices, the move would effectively erase
Bannon’s conviction on charges of obstructing the House investigation into the
January 6 riots. (Bannon was also indicted over a scheme to bilk donors out of cash
under the false pretense that they would fund the construction of the border
wall, but the president pardoned his former associate for that one.)
There are many reasons why the Justice Department might
circle the wagons around Bannon, most of which probably have nothing to do with
the fact that he was chummy with Epstein long after the child abuser was
convicted of his crimes. Indeed, even on the eve of Epstein’s final arrest,
Bannon was committed to making a documentary about the former financier explicitly
designed to rehabilitate his image. But the DOJ’s
rally to Bannon’s side is conspicuous. Behavior like this is the agar in which
conspiracy theories bloom.
Likewise, Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick maintained
surreptitious relations with Epstein long after he repeatedly claimed (once, under oath) that he cut the pervert off. “Lutnick
previously said that he cut off contact with Epstein after 2005,” CNBC reported. But the so-called “Epstein Files” indicate
that Lutnick was being deceptive. “In December 2012, Epstein invited Lutnick to
lunch on his private island in the U.S. Virgin Islands, the documents showed.
The two men also had business dealings as recently as 2014, CBS News reported.”
Trump and his allies should make hay of the Miami
Herald’s discovery, but the political benefits they might reap from that
exercise will be limited by the administration’s efforts to shield those in
Trump’s orbit with deeper ties to Epstein from accountability. Certainly,
figures like Bannon and Lutnick, who are guilty not of mere association but of
misleading law enforcement, lawmakers, or the public, complicate the White
House’s efforts to indemnify the president. It’s not at all clear why these two
replaceable components in the MAGA machine are worth the effort.
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