By Noah Rothman
Wednesday, February 11, 2026
Somehow, Texas Democrats seem to have missed the
much-chronicled “vibe shift” that corrected for the excesses associated with
left-wing social politics. Lone Star State Democrats have spent the last week
competing with one another to out-“woke” the other — not in service to some
grand political project but only to silence their critics.
“I think there needs to be an apology,” said onetime
Texas Senate candidate Colin Allred, who dropped out of the race in December, of
his onetime challenger for the Texas seat, James Talarico. Whether Talarico
knows it or not, his remarks “came across in a way that was offensive to that
young woman and to many others,” Allred continued.
Talarico’s offense was to reportedly tell a woman
“identified as Morgan” that he said, candidly and in private, that he had
“signed up to run against a mediocre Black man, not a formidable and
intelligent black woman” (Talarico says this was a “mischaracterization” of his
remarks). Allred insists that Talarico’s comments were an insult to all women
and minorities, not just him.
For her part, that “intelligent black woman,”
Representative Jasmine Crockett, is taking the scandal in stride. Crockett, who
is also running for Senate and is now in the pole position to take the nomination, is captaining a ghost
ship. “Crockett’s fundraising surge never came,” NOTUS journalist Alex
Roarty reported. She’s being “outspent roughly 19-to-1 on ads,” he
continued, and Democrats “aren’t sure who exactly is running” her campaign. To
even make note of Crockett’s half-hearted efforts is to invite accusations of
racism. As one Texas activist told NOTUS, “Candidates of color
cannot use these traditional methods because these traditional methods were not
designed for them.”
These nostalgic appeals to the nostrums that once
silenced so many skeptical mouths in and around 2020 are amusing. But Crockett
is still the likeliest nominee. And while a Texas Senate seat is a reach in any
cycle, a bad one for Republicans in which they, too, nominate a bad candidate
could produce unanticipated outcomes. Even if Crockett loses in November, the
Democratic primary voters who give her the nomination are responding to the
same political incentives that prevail everywhere else.
We got a glimpse of the forces at work radicalizing the
Democratic Party this week in New Jersey. There, the moderate Democrat and
former Representative Tom Malinowski lost his bid to return to the chamber in
another, slightly bluer Garden State house district. His opponent, left-wing
organizer Analilia Mejia, ran a platform that included abolishing ICE, impeaching
conservative Supreme Court Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito, zeroing
out “all student loan debt,” boosting the minimum wage to $25/hour, and, of
course, cutting off Israel.
Mejia’s radical politics may not be a perfect fit in New
Jersey’s eleventh congressional district, a well-heeled New York City suburb
with a modest partisan lean toward Democrats. But that may not matter much if
Democrats are the beneficiaries of a wave election in which voters care more
about sending a message to Washington than who it is who delivers that message.
Indeed, progressives have been winning more
intra-Democratic fights than they’ve lost of late. The far-left “smells blood in the water,” and they anticipate many more
Democratic establishmentarians will be victims of their primary voters’ anxiety
before the year is out. For now, however, the politics of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Zohran Mamdani are ascendant
on the left.
When I first encountered Mamdani’s name, almost exactly
one year ago, it was amid the then-unknown candidate’s effort to convince the
city’s socialists to register as Democrats for his benefit. The advertisement was a love story — a twisted melodrama in
which socialist politics nourished the soul as much as or more than human
affection. That struck me as a potent message with which more grounded and
responsible politicians could not compete. Only the reckless or naïve would
promise their voters that the pursuit of incremental political reforms could
suffice for meaning, belonging, and a sense of purpose in life. “If Democrats
demand an emotive expurgation from their politicians, even at strategy’s
expense,” I wrote at the time, “they’ll get it.”
By the end of this year, the Democratic Party will be a
measurably more radical party than it was in January. The only outstanding
question is whether the general electorate will look beyond the progressive
movement’s compulsive messianism and ratify the wisdom of their preferences.
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