National Review Online
Monday, February 02, 2026
The latest Census Bureau population estimates are in.
Halfway through the 2020s, they show a tectonic shift in America’s population,
a decided preference among Americans to vote with their feet for red-state over
blue-state governance, and the dramatic demographic effects of replacing Joe
Biden’s border policies with those of Donald Trump.
The population grew slowly in 2025, but that was mostly
because of the border. On the whole, the U.S. has added 10.3 million people
since the 2020 Census, bringing us to a nation of 341.8 million. Only a fifth
of that growth — 1.9 million — has been from the natural increase of births
over deaths; the other 8.3 million have been new arrivals. The low rate of
births, by itself, is deeply concerning; the notion of a future in which we add
four new immigrants for every net increase of one homegrown American is
alarming.
Net international migration shot up under Biden from 1.7
million in 2022 to 2.2 million in 2023 and 2.7 million in 2024. It fell off to
under 1.3 million in 2025. The foreign-born population dropped from 53.3
million to 51.9 million just between January and June of 2025, the biggest
driver of which was a collapse from the historic 2022–24 peak in “humanitarian
migrants.” Border policy matters.
The list of fastest-growing states in 2025, as usual, was
dominated by those with Republican governments, led by South Carolina, Idaho,
North Carolina, Texas, and Utah. The five states that lost population were
mostly deep blue — Vermont, Hawaii, West Virginia, New Mexico, and California,
with New York just barely breaking even.
The six states with the highest per capita rates of net
internal migration are likewise a red-dominated list: South Carolina, Idaho,
North Carolina, Delaware, Tennessee, and Montana. The biggest losers, per
capita: New York, Hawaii, Alaska, D.C., California, Massachusetts, New Jersey,
and Illinois. We sense a trend.
No wonder projections for the post-2030 reapportionment
now show a nine-seat loss for states that were won by Kamala Harris in 2024,
with eleven new House seats and electoral votes for red states being offset
only by losses of a seat apiece for narrowly divided Pennsylvania and
Wisconsin. That is a grim picture for Democrats indeed. Texas is now projected
to gain four seats, Florida two, and California to lose four.
Aggregating the data to classify the 25 red states (the
ones Trump carried in 2020), the 20 blue states (the states Harris carried in
2024, counting D.C. for these purposes as if it was a state), and the six
purple states (the ones that voted for both Biden in 2020 and Trump in 2024),
the problem for blue America appears starkly. Between 2020 and 2025, the red
states added 7.7 million inhabitants; the purple states added 1.4 million; the
blue states added only 1.15 million. Notably, in the purple states, 1.1 million
of that was just in Georgia and Arizona, which continue to lean Republican and
are governed that way.
By natural growth rate, the blue states added more
people, at a higher per capita rate, than the red states — though not by a
large margin. Americans, however, have voted with their feet. In 2025, the blue
states lost 478,319 people to net internal migration, an average of 3,377 per
million people. The red states gained 399,121 people the same way, an average
of 2,683 per million. The purple states gained 79,198, an average of 1,542 per
million. Over the 2020–25 period, the red states gained 3.3 million people by
net internal migration; the purple states gained half a million, while the blue
states lost 3.8 million.
That leaves immigration. Over the four years of Biden’s
presidency, blue states gained 3.3 million people from net international
migration, compared with 2.99 million in the red states and 740,325 in the
purple states. Porous borders were propping them up. But international
migration fell off faster in the blue states from 2024 to 2025, dropping at a
per capita rate of 5,392 per million people versus 3,738 per million in the red
states and 2,970 in the purple states. That is at least suggestive that the blue
states were previously leaning more heavily upon illegal immigrants.
The blue-state model simply doesn’t work for its
citizens. That’s why they keep leaving, and why those states need to keep
importing noncitizens by hook or by crook to replace them. Four years with less
access to that spigot ought to force those states to reconsider how they treat
American citizens.
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