By Dan McLaughlin
Wednesday, January 21, 2026
JD Vance wants very much to be president. The further we
get into Donald Trump’s second term, the more Vance’s ambitions to succeed him
become the dominant story in our politics. Which means that it’s time to start
thinking about what he might do to advance — or derail — those ambitions.
Whether Vance has a realistic prospect of winning the
presidency in 2028 (assuming that Trump serves out his term) depends heavily on
the unusual place we inhabit in the political cycle, after
Trump became only the second man to return to the presidency after being voted
out of it. Only one man — Martin Van Buren — has previously made
the transition Vance seeks, from new second-term vice president to election in
his own right without the president dying in office. As of now, Vance still has
pole position for the 2028 Republican nomination. He is likely to keep the
upper hand unless one of two things happens in the next 26 months: he falls out
with Donald Trump, or (far less likely) Trump suffers a dramatic loss of
credibility with Republican voters.
But one very large question still looms over Vance’s
presidential ambitions: Does he want to be president more than he wants to be a
loyal friend to Tucker Carlson? Because sooner or later, he will have to
choose.
The Trouble with Tucker
Carlson, once a prime-time TV personality on Fox News,
CNN, MSNBC, and PBS, columnist for New York, and cofounder of the Daily
Caller, has been spiraling ever further into conspiracy theories, antisemitism, and propaganda for America’s enemies ever
since he was let go by Fox in April 2023 amid the fallout from Carlson’s role in the network’s
colossal defamation settlement with Dominion Voting Machines. That was
apparently the last straw atop Rupert Murdoch’s
mounting concerns with Carlson’s January 6 conspiracy theories, among other
things.
Space does not even begin to permit a full recounting
here of the ways in which Carlson, since moving his program to X/Twitter, has
become steadily more extreme, paranoid, and detached from reality. This
includes flacking for Russia, Iran, Venezuela, Hamas, and Qatar; hysterically predicting world war if
the Trump administration hit Iran’s nuclear program; obsessing over Jews; arguing that we’d be better off as
feudal peasants; and promoting World War II revisionism in which Churchill, not
Hitler, was the real villain. But the provocation that really proved the
tipping point in public attention to Carlson’s moral and intellectual descent
was his choice to hold a sycophantic softball interview with
notorious white nationalist and Hitler-loving and Stalin-praising antisemite
Nick Fuentes a little over a week before Election Day 2025.
This was too much for many on the right to ignore. Ted
Cruz and Ben Shapiro tore into Carlson. Conventional Republicans such as House
Speaker Mike Johnson criticized him. The Heritage
Foundation found itself plunged into months of wrenching
controversy and resignations when its president, Kevin Roberts, blasted
Carlson’s critics as a “venomous coalition,” a statement he only partly and
grudgingly walked back. Carlson’s presence as an increasingly visible speaker
for Turning Point USA after the assassination of Charlie Kirk led to a divisive
split at the group’s events.
It’s bad enough for Carlson’s friends and allies that he
has become increasingly toxic. But he’s getting worse — and he seems to revel
in doing ever more provocative things to see how far he can push the people in
his corner. This is the opposite of how a faithful ally or a good friend
operates — especially an ally or friend of a man positioning himself to run for
president. Even if JD Vance thinks he can survive his connection to what
Carlson is doing now, there’s no way for him to predict how much further
the man will go by 2028. What does it say about Vance’s judgment if he decides
that he’s willing to write a blank check with his own political future to a man
this unstable?
JD and Tucker
The problem for Vance is that he is tied very deeply to
Carlson — so deeply that friends and foes of Vance alike (including Carlson
himself) have openly called the controversies over Carlson a proxy war for
opposition to Vance. Carlson promoted Vance constantly on his Fox show when
Vance was running in a hotly contested Republican Senate primary in 2022, a
race Vance won with 32 percent of the vote against a divided field of weak
candidates. There is probably nobody — not Donald Trump or Donald Trump Jr. or
even Peter Thiel — to whom Vance is more indebted for his meteoric political
rise in three years from thirtysomething commentator to vice president than
Tucker Carlson. Cementing the tie, Carlson’s son Buckley works on Vance’s
staff.
Gratitude and loyalty are virtues, so it is entirely
understandable that Vance would be hesitant to throw under the bus a friend who
has also been a crucial patron. Vance has also postured himself as an opponent
of “cancel culture,” and since the Carlson–Fuentes controversy broke, he has
tried to square the circle by asking for peace between warring factions and
criticizing Fuentes — but, carefully, not Carlson. Nobody is fooled by the
pretense of what my colleague Noah Rothman branded Vance’s “performative
neutrality”: Vance immediately pivoted to attacking Carlson’s critics while
looking the other way at how intently Carlson focuses on assaults on
Republicans (even Trump), and Vance himself has for years now taken to scorched-earth ad hominem attacks on
Republicans and conservatives who don’t share his foreign policy views. He’s
simply trying to circle the wagons in defense of Carlson without saying so.
For now, at least, Carlson remains enough in the good
graces of both Trump and Vance to get multiple recent invitations to the White
House, one of which resulted in his being asked to sit in on a Trump meeting
with oil executives to discuss Venezuela not long after Trump arrested the
Venezuelan leader whom Carlson had defended. If Trump finally tires of Carlson,
the conflict between Vance’s loyalty to Carlson and the urgent priority of
staying in Trump’s good graces will sharpen.
How You Win
Historically, one president after another has taught us
the lesson that you don’t get to be president unless you’re the sort of person
who will make the attainment and retention of that office a higher priority
than loyalty to friends, allies, mentors, and patrons.
Trump, of course, has often turned on people who no
longer served his purposes, and Bill Clinton did, too — even people who fell on
their swords for him in investigations. Chester Arthur sold out the corrupt New
York political boss Roscoe Conkling, to whom he owed everything, in accepting
the vice-presidential nomination and then pursuing civil service reform as
president. Harry Truman distanced himself from machine boss Tom Pendergast, who
sponsored his career, when he needed to. Jimmy Carter got elected governor of
Georgia by signaling that he’d govern like his mentor, arch-segregationist
Lester Maddox — then turned on a dime once in office. Ronald Reagan sacked
veteran campaign manager John Sears on the eve of the 1980 New Hampshire
primary.
The most dramatic recent case was Barack Obama. Obama
credited the volatile, incendiary, and bigoted Reverend Jeremiah Wright — and
specifically, Wright’s radical politics — with bringing the irreligious Obama
into a church. He titled his second book The Audacity of Hope after one
of Wright’s sermons. When pressed on Wright’s views in March 2008, Obama
distanced himself, but declared that he could no more
denounce Wright than his white grandmother. While this was widely praised at
the time as the greatest speech in American history, it didn’t get Obama out of
his jam in the tight primary with Hillary Clinton, so in late April, he went
further, branding Wright’s continuing comments
“divisive and destructive”:
Appearing pained and irritated,
the senator from Illinois said that Wright, who used a nationally televised
speech Monday at the National Press Club to repeat some of his most incendiary
comments, was “not the person that I met 20 years ago.” Obama called the
pastor’s appearance a “spectacle” and a “performance,” and said it was a “show
of disrespect to me” and “an insult to what we’ve been trying to do in this
campaign.”
That got Obama where he needed to go, and his supporters
turned on Wright. As one pastor said at the time: “I wish that Jeremiah, my
friend, had kept his eye on the prize . . . the prize here for America, for all
Americans, is that we can elect the first black man for the presidency.” For
that, they would sacrifice anything and anyone. And so would Vance’s
supporters. But if he insists on putting Tucker Carlson first and the
presidency second, he may find that he has lost both.
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