By Kevin D. Williamson
Thursday, November
21, 2024
I think it is likely that Matt Gaetz is guilty of
everything of which he is accused and more. But I do not know what to do with
that opinion.
The accusations against Brett Kavanaugh during his
confirmation hearings seemed to me absurd—out of character for the man, based
on supposed wrongdoing when he was a teenager, and obviously timed for a
specific political purpose, i.e., to prevent his confirmation to the Supreme
Court. The accusations against Gaetz are perfectly in character for the man,
they preceded his nomination but are based on relatively recent events, they
are attested to by more than one person, etc. But they are only accusations.
There is a kind of no-man’s-land between the sort of
proof that will suffice to send somebody to prison and the kind of proof that
will suffice to convince us that a man should not be attorney general or hold
some other high office and the kind of proof that just makes us recoil from a
man on grounds of general ick. The legal and ethical accusations Gaetz faces
are both tawdry and serious—the most serious of them involve an underage
prostitute—and, if they are substantiated, losing the AG spot would be the least
of his worries. In the case of Gaetz, senators—and the public—are spared the
necessity of diving too deeply into that to resolve this issue, inasmuch as
there are perfectly adequate reasons to reject the Gaetz nomination that do not
require any further proof at all: Gaetz is a cretin and a flunky, his low
character is attested to publicly by members of his own party in Congress, he
lacks any relevant preparation for the job at hand, etc.
But we will need to think about the question,
nonetheless.
Impossible-to-prove allegations of tawdry conduct years
in the past are, when weaponized, a fearsome force, one that most notably has
been part of the 33-year-long campaign to discredit Clarence Thomas. As with
Kavanaugh, the accusations against Thomas struck me as implausible and as a
transparent political ploy. But one cannot say the same about the allegations
of misconduct—ranging from drunken boorishness to sexual assault—against Pete
Hegseth, a Fox News personality who is Donald Trump’s choice for secretary of
defense, a position for which he is utterly unqualified, his military service
having been honorable but irrelevant to the secretary’s job.
(Hegseth might have been more plausibly offered the post
of secretary of veterans affairs, a position that instead has been offered to
failed Senate candidate Doug Collins of Georgia, an election-conspiracy crank
and, in
the estimation of Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, a “liar” and a
“charlatan,” and therefore eminently qualified to take over for Hegseth at
Fox News, should it come to that.)
At the time of the Kavanaugh hearings, opportunistic
Democratic partisans said he should withdraw from consideration because he had
been—note these words—“credibly accused.” One sees that formulation for many
public figures of late, from Trump on down to the obscure. The phrase “credibly
accused” entered general circulation through discussions of procedures for
dealing with Catholic clergy accused of sexual abuse, and then spread to
similar discussions involving other clergy, educators, etc. It retains its sexual
character—one does not hear about someone “credibly accused” of shoplifting or
embezzlement.
One of the problems with the “credibly accused” standard
is that it is not a standard in any meaningful sense. Kavanaugh was not
credibly accused of sexual wrongdoing—he was preposterously accused of misdeeds
that almost certainly were invented, and his accusers were not credible
inasmuch as their accounts ranged from the vague and inconsistent to the
demonstrably untrue. But a “credible” accusation is, in the partisan mind, any
accusation that is useful.
Treating unproven allegations as disqualifying in and of
themselves—even in the case of such an obvious miscreant as Matt
Gaetz—establishes or, rather, deepens, the corrosive precedent set in the
Thomas and Kavanaugh cases. If we reward people for lies, or for claims
irresponsibly made, then we can expect more dishonesty and more
irresponsibility. Because we live in debased times, the normal defense against
such public misbehavior—the shame and infamy of being exposed as a fraud and a
tool—no longer apply. One can make a sort of career out of having “credibly
accused” the right target, even if the claim was transparently false. As Rep.
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York put it in a different context, it is more
important to be on the right team than to stick to the facts.
At the same time, there are matters of character that
sometimes will need to be litigated in public life even in circumstances in
which we do not have access to the kind of evidentiary standards and procedural
protections that would be appropriate in a court of law. If we could rely on
people in positions of trust to be sensible about the “credibly” part, that
would be less of a problem.
But think of all the preposterous things Donald Trump has
accused people of, and of the sometimes preposterous things that Trump has been
accused of beyond all of the literal felonies and noncriminal misbehavior of
which he is demonstrably guilty.
Who do you imagine is the wisest man or woman in the
Senate? To think about that question, even for a minute, is to understand why
“credibly accused” cannot be a working standard in our time.
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