By Melissa Langsam Braunstein
Sunday, August 11, 2024
Left-wing Jews are being squeezed. The far Left has
staked out positions on Israel and antisemitism it wants the rest of the Left
to adopt, positions that conveniently box out many Jews.
It’s happened on college campuses for years, but
Pennsylvania governor Josh Shapiro’s recent veepstakes experience underscored
that the Left’s litmus tests have left the campus lab. And while Shapiro’s
losing out on a vice-presidential nod must be personally disappointing, his
treatment should be a red flag for Americans more broadly about societal
changes.
The discussion around Shapiro started out fairly
positive. There was talk of his being a Jewish day-school graduate, keeping
kosher, and marking Shabbat with his family. But that was quickly marred by the
antisemitism CNN commentator Van Jones delicately described as “marbled into” the Democratic Party.
The far Left insisted that Shapiro was excessively
pro-Israel, even though his profile on Israel resembles
other Democrats’, with the possible exception of his pointed commentary on
Israel’s prime minister. Shapiro called Bibi Netanyahu “one of the worst leaders of all
time” in January and “a destructive force in the Middle East” in February.
Shapiro’s detractors still dubbed him “Genocide Josh,”
hating that he had criticized antisemitic campus protesters and their
protectors. For example, Shapiro called former University of Pennsylvania president Liz
Magill’s congressional remarks last December “absolutely shameful.” And he
correctly told the New York Times in May, “If you had a group
of white supremacists camped out and yelling racial slurs every day, that would
be met with a different response than antisemites camped out, yelling
antisemitic tropes.”
Shapiro was likely surprised to be painted as an
extremist, though. He has worked hard to be a Democratic coalition member in
good standing. For instance, he “joined the multi-state Reproductive Freedom
Alliance with 21 other Governors to safeguard abortion access, protect abortion providers, and
affirm abortion rights.” Shapiro has pushed to expand legal protections for LGBTQ
Pennsylvanians. And he made sure to condemn “Islamophobia and all forms of
hate” when speaking at an event marking Israel’s Holocaust Remembrance
Day — that is, the day that specifically commemorates Jewish victims.
But none of it was enough. Shapiro found himself facing
the sort of stigmatization many Jewish college students now regularly
experience, like the Jewish and Israeli students who faced discrimination in a support group for sexual-assault
survivors before October 7. Or the Jewish and Israeli students who lost friends, as they mourned after October 7.
As with anti-Israel college students who quiz Jewish
classmates about their personal position on Israel, the anti-Israel coalition
within the Democrats’ base focused on whether Shapiro was the “right” kind of
Jew. That Shapiro isn’t an ardent anti-Zionist was already a strike against him
for these activists, many of whom are Gen Z and Millennials. Having been taught
that Jews are “oppressors,” young voters unsurprisingly told pollsters they viewed Shapiro negatively.
For Shapiro to remain a member of the “Community of the
Good” — and be nominated for vice president — he had to rebrand. Someone else
in that situation might have declined, turned off by people who reject him as
is, but Shapiro chose differently.
Shapiro distanced himself from his 31-year-old opinion
piece, which offered a negative assessment of the Palestinians:
“Palestinians will not coexist peacefully. They do not have the capabilities to
establish their own homeland and make it successful even with the aid of Israel
and the United States. They are too battle-minded to be able to establish a
peaceful homeland of their own.”
Had Shapiro not disowned this article, he would have
faced a new firestorm over Islamophobia. However, another component of the
op-ed merits attention. The young Shapiro deserves credit for going against the
grain as an Oslo Accords skeptic; if the accords had worked as Shapiro’s peers
hoped, there would have been no Second Intifada, nor October 7. So while
Shapiro is entitled to revise his opinions, he has notably moved from a
socially riskier, dissenting view toward Democrats’ standard support for the
two-state solution, which only 25 percent of Israelis favor.
Playing defense, Shapiro’s spokesperson explained that Shapiro’s volunteering with the IDF in his
youth was for purely civilian work. Someone even went so far as erasing mention of Shapiro’s IDF volunteer work on
Wikipedia.
But still, no dice. Predictably, Harris’s passing over
Shapiro energized his far-left detractors. An Instagram account linked to the anti-Shapiro campaign “took a victory lap”
and the Democratic Socialists of America crowed that Harris’s decision “has shown the world that DSA
and our allies on the left are a force that cannot be ignored.”
The kicker was Harris’s campaign not condemning the open
antisemitism swirling around Shapiro, not even issuing a milquetoast statement
about antisemitism having no place in her party. Instead, an anonymous campaign
aide told the Jewish Forward that concerns Shapiro was
passed over because of the anti-Shapiro campaign were “‘absurd,’ and
‘absolutely ridiculous and offensive.’”
Those concerns are, in fact, neither absurd nor
ridiculous. What’s offensive is the gaslighting about Jew-hatred. Americans
know what they saw. And the more the far Left believes it can win stand-offs
against Zionist Jews without real pushback from the rest of the Left, the more
such coercion all American Jews will face — and the more antisemitism will define American politics.
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