By Kevin D. Williamson
Friday, August 30, 2024
When it comes to gridlock, I am—within reason—an
enthusiast. A connoisseur, even. Oodles of Americans are low-key gridlock
aficionados, too. In one of those utterly predictable cases of stated preferences
at odds with revealed preferences, Americans say they want less
gridlock in Washington but actually vote very frequently (and in a
predictable pattern) for divided government and, hence, for the gridlock that
comes with it.
But the Democrats are doing something a little unusual in
2024: They are running on gridlock. And Democrat-on-Democrat gridlock at that.
Quietly and off-the-record, of course.
Kamala Harris doesn’t say she wants divided
government, and she probably doesn’t actually want divided government,
either. But Harris’ allies in Congress and in the broader Democratic world are
making a curious, cynical argument about the economic
crazy-talk coming out of her campaign: Don’t worry about the nutty stuff—the
price controls and all that—because none of it will get through
Congress.
Harris has big dreams for new price-gouging legislation
(i.e., a federal law that would attempt to supplant by fiat the basic dynamics
of supply and demand). But her allies tell
Politico:
Such a bill has no chance of
passing Congress anytime soon, even if Democrats win the White House and
Congress this November, according to six Democratic lawmakers and five
Democratic aides who were granted anonymity to discuss the matter candidly.
These people said Democrats in Congress have privately been telling critics
that this part of the Harris plan is not viable.
Rather, they’ve argued it’s a
messaging tactic—a way to show that she understands food prices remain an
economic burden for many Americans and to redirect voters’ anger about
inflation to corporations, in a way that progressives in particular have cheered.
One must almost admire the cynicism there: This isn’t
real and it doesn’t matter, it’s just rube-bait for our voters, who aren’t
smart enough for us to talk to like functional adults about our actual policy
goals.
Nice.
That aside, the careful reader will notice that Harris’
friends are making a case for Democrat-led gridlock. Which is to say,
they are asking Americans to take it on faith that Harris’ worst and battiest
and leftiest ideas are going to be blocked by congressional Democrats, whose
ranks are filled by such sensible and economically sophisticated people as …
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Elizabeth Warren.
But if you can temporarily liberate yourself from
partisan blinders, then you can follow this line of thinking through to its
logical conclusion. If what Americans really need is President Harris hemmed in
by an uncooperative Congress, then what Americans really need is a
Republican-led Congress.
Instead of a legislative branch under the leadership of
such estimable worthies as Hakeem Jeffries and Chuck Schumer, how about such
trustworthy and totally normal Republican-variety human beings as coup-strategist
Mike Johnson and—I don’t have a great modifier here—Matt Gaetz? Marjorie
Taylor Greene? J.D. Vance?
I know: It doesn’t sound so great when you put it that
way! But you get the point.
I knew I was going to miss Mitch
McConnell, but I didn’t think I would see Democrats secretly hoping for a
Senate leader who would ruthlessly undermine Harris’ agenda if she is
elected.
If I thought for a second that these anonymity-demanding
Democrats were serious about Congress’ rediscovering its self-respect to such
an extent that a President Harris would have to worry a great deal about the
opposition of her own party, I’d cheer. But that isn’t how Washington works
right now. And it isn’t how Congress works, either, which is more specifically
to the point.
From the Newt Gingrich years to the speakership of Nancy
Pelosi, control over the legislative agenda has been wrested from motley and
rivalrous collections of congressional grandees and committee chairmen. It has
instead been granted to a tiny handful of party leaders, to such an extent that
the House speaker and Senate majority leader now have something close to total
control over the actions of their caucuses.
Though the difference may be subtle, a negotiation
between a Democratic president and a Democratic majority in Congress is not
equivalent to a negotiation between a Democratic president and two Democratic
congressional leaders with relatively narrow parochial interests.
Considerations such as regional differences and competing constituency
interests get flattened and compressed into the crude and simple calculation of
D vs. R. That has many unhappy consequences, one of which is that it is
difficult to have much confidence that a Democratic congressional majority
would or could effectively contain even the most imbecilic policy ideas the
Harris campaign has put forward.
It would be better to have some decent Democrat-aligned
economist come into Harris HQ and beat staffers over the head with an Econ 101
syllabus until they internalize a few simple facts. If you are concerned about
housing prices being too high, for example, then pushing down mortgage interest
rates and subsidizing housing purchases is precisely the wrong policy.
If you are worried about consolidation in the food industry, then handing down
an expensive new set of federal mandates and regulations is precisely the
wrong policy. After all, big, powerful market incumbents absolutely love
expensive regulations, which add only marginally to their own already
considerable legal overhead while suffocating potential new rivals that may be
more innovative and nimble but lack a 98-person
legal department or the present means to pay for one. Surely somebody
Democrats would listen to could explain that to the Harris team.
And that’s what you want. Because if you’re worried that
somebody might be on the verge of doing something stupid and your best hope is
that Congress won’t do something stupid and that it will
transcend partisan considerations to avoid said stupidity … well, I have some
bad news for you, Sunshine.
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