By Rich Lowry
Thursday,
February 29, 2024
Joe
Biden was inaugurated on January 20, 2021. Less than two weeks later, on
February 2, he issued the executive order that began the unraveling at the
border in earnest.
The
border crisis isn’t something that happened to President Biden. It’s not a
product of circumstances or understandable policy mistakes made under duress.
No, he sought it and created it, on principle and as a matter of urgency.
It
wasn’t a second-year priority or even a second-quarter-of-the-first-year
priority. The new president set out in his initial days and weeks in office to
destroy what Trump had built, most consequentially in the February 2 executive
order.
By
then, mind you, there had already been significant action to loosen up on the
border, including on his first day in office.
The February 2 action was called, preposterously, the
“Executive Order on Creating a Comprehensive Regional Framework to Address the
Causes of Migration, to Manage Migration Throughout North and Central America,
and to Provide Safe and Orderly Processing of Asylum Seekers at the United
States Border.”
The
order repeatedly used the words “root causes” and “comprehensive,” never a good
sign in immigration policy. It emphasized an effort, as the document put it, to
“enhance lawful pathways for migration to this country” and revoked a slew of
Trump rules, executive orders, proclamations, and memoranda. The sense of it
was that there is nothing that we could or should do on our own to control
illegal immigration; rather, we had to fix Central America instead.
“We
cannot solve the humanitarian crisis at our border without addressing the
violence, instability, and lack of opportunity that compel so many people to
flee their homes,” it intoned. “Nor is the United States safer when resources
that should be invested in policies targeting actual threats, such as drug
cartels and human traffickers, are squandered on efforts to stymie legitimate
asylum seekers.”
The
order called for better identifying of potential refugees into the United
States, using parole to let more migrants join family members in the United
States, enhancing access to visa programs, and reviewing whether the U.S. was
doing enough for migrants fleeing domestic or gang violence, among other
things.
And
it put on the chopping block numerous Trump policies that had helped establish
order at the border, from Trump’s expansion of expedited removal, to his
termination of a parole program for Central American minors, to his memorandum
urging the relevant departments to work toward ending “catch and release.”
Most
importantly, it went after two of the pillars of Trump’s success at the border:
the Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP), or so-called Remain in Mexico, and the
safe-third-country agreements with the Northern Triangle countries that allowed
us to divert asylum-seekers to Central American countries other than their own,
where they could make asylum claims.
The
order directed the secretary of homeland security to “promptly review and
determine whether to terminate or modify the program known as the Migrant
Protection Protocols” and the secretary of state to “promptly consider whether
to notify the governments of the Northern Triangle” that the asylum agreements
were being terminated.
After
a few fits and starts thanks to legal challenges, Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas
indeed ended Remain in Mexico. Although he now wants to present himself as an innocent bystander to Biden’s border policy, he
killed the policy knowing exactly what he was doing.
“After
carefully considering the arguments, evidence, and perspectives presented by
those who support re-implementation of MPP, those who support terminating the
program, and those who have argued for continuing MPP in a modified form, I
have determined that MPP should be terminated,” he said in a memo.
He
acknowledged, by the way, that the policy “likely contributed to reduced
migratory flows.”
For
his part, Antony Blinken indeed moved promptly. On February 6, he announced the end of the asylum agreements: “In
line with the President’s vision, we have notified the Governments of El
Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras that the United States is taking this action
as efforts to establish a cooperative, mutually respectful approach to managing
migration across the region begin.”
And
just like that, the carefully crafted suite of Trump polices that had
given us control of the border were demolished.
It
didn’t require esoteric knowledge of border policy to realize how this would
play out. During the transition, Trump officials warned of a catastrophe if
Biden followed through on his promises, and in April 2021, the Washington Post ran a piece headlined,
“At the border, a widely predicted crisis that caught Biden off guard.”
Now,
the February 2 memo feels almost like an artifact from another era, as the
open-borders orthodoxy begins to show cracks. The White House is considering
measures to try to curtail illegal immigration and calling on sanctuary cities
to cooperate with ICE, while New York City mayor Eric Adams criticizes aspects
of his city’s sanctuary regime.
The
executive order, though, is a stark reminder that — in terms of the harm to the
country and political damage to President Biden — they did it to us and to
themselves. It’s all there in black and white, a prelude to a disaster that has roiled
the country and could well play an outsize role in Joe Biden’s losing the
presidency.
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