By Noah Rothman
Friday, March 22, 2024
Because Joe Biden and his administration officials have
so often said as much, we know that this White House understands that U.S.
national interests would be advanced by Israeli and Ukrainian battlefield
victories. We can, therefore, deduce that it would represent a setback for
American geostrategic priorities if our embattled partners failed to secure
their goals. It must be said that the administration has devoted commendable
effort over the last two years to supporting America’s preferred outcomes in those
respective theaters of conflict. And yet, U.S. objectives on the battlefields
of Europe and the Middle East are apparently increasingly in conflict with Joe
Biden’s political priorities, the foremost of which is getting reelected in the
fall. Forced to choose, Biden is siding with his own reelection.
It has been hard to miss the extent of the White House’s
anxiety over how uncomfortable progressives, young voters, and Arab-American
Michiganders have become with Biden’s support for Israel. By flamboyantly
projecting their dissatisfaction with Israel in public while arming Jerusalem
and urging it to pursue a quick and victorious resolution to its war in the
Gaza Strip in private, the administration has tried to have its cake and eat
it, too. It now seems that the administration is applying this same duplicitous
approach to its relations with Ukraine.
According to its sources, the Financial Times reported on Friday that the Biden
administration has been reduced to begging Ukrainian forces to refrain from
executing strikes on dual-use infrastructure inside Russia — specifically, its
oil storage and refining facilities. Those strikes are “hurting its oil
production capacity,” which is, in fact, the whole point of Ukraine’s
enterprise. But while this approach makes sense for Ukraine — an asymmetric
strategy against a better-armed and well-funded aggressor — it imperils Joe
Biden’s political prospects.
“Oil prices have risen about 15 percent this year, to $85
a barrel, pushing up fuel costs just as US President Joe Biden begins his
campaign for re-election,” the FT continued. “Washington is
also concerned that if Ukraine keeps hitting Russian facilities, including many
that are hundreds of miles from the border, Russia could retaliate by lashing
out at energy infrastructure relied on by the west.”
The Biden administration will struggle to explain why the
Russian energy resources it has sanctioned must remain unmolested by Ukraine’s
defenders. The president has already implored Americans to expect and endure financial pain as part of our
commitment to the preservation of the U.S.-led world order. But it seems the
White House cannot observe its own admonitions.
The Biden administration has invested American treasure
and prestige in the defensive wars its partners in Israel and Ukraine are
waging. The president needs them to win — or, at least, to be able to lay
convincing claim to something that can be called victory. The political return
on the administration’s investments in these conflicts will only materialize in
that event, and such a feat would resonate with a broad audience of American
voters. Biden’s team has lost sight of that possibility. It’s no longer thinking
so big. Rather, it’s consumed with the minutiae of domestic politics in its
pursuit of all that it apparently thinks is possible: the narrowest of
reelection victories in the fall.
The president’s reelection team is fixated on marginal
voters on the fringes of the Democratic coalition and the low-propensity voters
who might be discouraged in November because the gas to get to their polling
place is too expensive. They cannot see a pathway toward a more convincingly
broad Democratic coalition in the fall, and their fatalism may be justified.
But the Biden White House’s near-sightedness entails plenty of risks.
The president’s carping at our partners abroad threatens
to scuttle the White House’s efforts to lay the blame for their battlefield
setbacks at the feet of the GOP. Average voters will struggle to reconcile the
president’s claims that Republicans have hung our allies out to dry by failing
to appropriate funds to support their defense with its simultaneous demands on
Israel and Ukraine to fight with one arm tied behind their backs.
Every indication suggests Americans share the objectives
sought by both Israel and Ukraine. If Joe Biden’s support for their respective
goals looks like the fair-weather sort come November, voters may conclude that
we can do better.
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