By Maarten Boudry
Monday, March 18, 2024
A
few weeks ago, I received a long email from a psychiatrist colleague about a
patient of his who’s absolutely convinced that our society is on the verge of
total collapse and that humanity is heading for mass extinction as a result of
global warming. In my colleague’s opinion, his patient is very intelligent and
well read on the topic and doesn’t display the incorrigibility, resistance to
evidence, and fallacious reasoning that are typical of clinical delusions.
Worryingly, his belief has been taking a serious emotional toll on him. (Well,
how would you feel if you believed that the world was about to
end?) After a series of long discussions and having read some of the doomer
literature the patient recommended, my colleague no longer knew how to assuage
his climate worries and began to harbor some doubts himself. So, who’s really
in denial about reality: the patient or his doctor? And what about the rest of
us?
If
you were to ask the tens of thousands of activists who have been protesting on the
streets, throwing tomato soup
on paintings, disrupting classical
concerts, gluing themselves to
highways, blocking roads, and staging die-ins, their answer would
be crystal clear: the patient is right; the rest of us are deluded. According
to Roger Hallam, the founder of Extinction
Rebellion,
climate change will lead to the “slaughter, death, and starvation of six
billion people this century,” and humanity faces total annihilation unless we get
to net zero emissions “in a matter of months or a few years.” (That last
statement dates from two and a half years ago.) Any further exploration for oil
and gas, says the official website of Just Stop
Oil,
amounts to “genocide” and will lead to the “starvation and the slaughter of
billions” and “condemn humanity to oblivion.” Such views are not confined to
the fringes but have also been voiced by mainstream institutions and leaders.
António Guterres, the Secretary-General of the UN, claimed in 2022 that humanity is
committing “collective suicide” over the climate crisis, a remark that
echoes Pope Francis’s pronouncement that our species is “at the limits of
suicide.” All
this apocalyptic rhetoric has started trickling down to the public at
large. Four in 10 Americans now agree that
global warming will probably lead to human extinction, and a quarter of
childless adults cite climate change as part of their motivation for not
having children.
It's depressing to
think that
so many young people today believe that they or their children don’t have a
future and that billions will die. But whenever I hear such apocalyptic
rhetoric, I can’t help but wonder: are all of these people for real?
How many of them sincerely believe in the coming climate apocalypse? It seems
undeniable that at least some of them do. As far as we can
tell, climate depression is a real
phenomenon and is on the rise. A 2017 report published by
the American Psychological Association and ecoAmerica defines “ecoanxiety” as
“a chronic fear of environmental doom.” Millions of young
people today
question whether it is ethically responsible to bring
children into a world that is destined to become uninhabitable. If you are so
certain the planet is doomed that you decide to get yourself sterilized, this
seems to signal a pretty sincere conviction. As one young man told the Guardian after his
vasectomy, “I don’t want to bring a life into this world, because it’s pretty
shitty as it is and it’s only going to get worse.” But how can we be sure that
this is not a high-minded rationalization for people who never had any interest
in children in the first place? Besides, as Ezra Klein has pointed out, plenty of climate
scientists have children of their own, which suggests that they don’t believe
their offspring are destined for misery. Likewise, we don’t know how often
conditions like climate depression or eco-anxiety arise from underlying mental
issues that have attached themselves to the climate issue.
As
I have argued elsewhere, the predictions
about “billions of deaths” and “collective suicide” have no basis in actual
science. Still, that millions of people believe them anyway is highly
concerning—but do they? I’ve come to believe that, as a social movement,
climate doomerism is as much about ideological posturing, virtue-signalling and
political tribalism as about honest convictions. Climate hucksters and leaders
of large organizations, in particular, rarely get high on their own supply.
They don’t really believe in the apocalypse they’re preaching
about; they have other ideological (or even personal) agendas. The bad news is
that all this ideological posturing is hurting our efforts to tackle actual
climate change.
In
philosophy of mind, the most important sign of belief is behaviour (in
economics this is known as “revealed preferences.”) Beliefs are
signposts used to navigate the world, and if there’s a glaring contradiction
between what you say you believe and how you actually behave when no one’s
looking, there’s good reason to doubt your sincerity. If you tell your million
followers that Covid vaccines are killing people in droves but secretly get a
jab yourself, that’s a bit suspicious. If you proclaim that the world will end
next Tuesday but go on to discuss your vacation plans, how seriously should we
take you?
For
the sake of argument, I’ll gloss over various forms of petty hypocrisy, such as
that exhibited by a Dutch woman who rushed back from a
family vacation in Thailand to join Just Stop Oil’s highway roadblock in Amsterdam,
or the conscientious objector to flying who enjoys his juicy grass-fed steak
every day. That would be too cheap. We are all fallible creatures with a
marvellous talent for self-serving rationalizations. I’m already a
vegan; surely I deserve my yearly vacation to Thailand? Or,
conversely, I never fly because of the climate, surely I can enjoy my
hamburger?
Instead,
I want to talk about glaring inconsistencies in what doomers collectively propose
in the way of climate action. One good litmus test for the sincerity of climate
catastrophists is their attitude towards nuclear energy. Nuclear is the most
important and reliable CO2-free energy source on the planet and,
thus, our most powerful weapon against climate change. Nuclear energy is still
credited with the fastest
decarbonizations in
history (in France and Sweden in the 1970s and 1980s). It’s also the safest and least
deadly energy source,
even when we include occasional and highly publicised accidents. Nuclear
“waste,” which climate activists portray as an unacceptable burden to future
generations, is nothing of the kind. It is extremely
compact (all the high-level nuclear waste ever produced on Earth would fit
comfortably inside a football stadium), it is always safely
contained,
and it naturally becomes harmless over time—unlike most other types of waste.
If anything, future generations might blame us for not leaving them enough nuclear
waste, since this would indicate that we had burned fossil fuels for too long,
and perhaps also for burying such an excellent energy-dense fuel deep
underground (advanced reactors can turn what was previously considered “waste”
into nuclear energy that
could sustain human civilization for centuries).
If
you claim that carbon emissions are destroying the planet, but doggedly oppose
our most powerful source of carbon-free energy, how seriously should we take
you? When the leaders of Just Stop Oil thunder about the
“genocide” of our future
children, they conveniently ignore the fact that the Green parties and
environmental NGOs they are allied with have championed nuclear phase-out laws
in many rich countries—laws that have caused billions of tons of additional CO2 emissions
because the energy from nuclear plants had to be replaced by gas and coal.
According to one study in the journal Energies, the decade-long
effort to sabotage and strangle the nuclear industry has caused about 174 billion
tons of
avoidable CO2 emissions. Using the “1000-tonne rule” on which activists’ genocide
claims are
typically based (1,000 tonnes of CO2 = 1 future fatality), that
amounts to 174 million future deaths. Even today, Germany could prevent a
billion tons of CO2 emissions just by keeping its remaining
nuclear power plants open. But Extinction Rebellion, Greenpeace, and their
ilk would never dream of accusing the
German government of “genocide” for that reason. Instead, many climate doomers
have been applauding the premature closure of nuclear power plants that could
have continued to operate for decades—while claiming that we’re in the midst of
a climate emergency that threatens the future of our children.
Perhaps
many of the young street protesters marching under the banners of Greenpeace
and Just Stop Oil are genuinely terrified of nuclear accidents (“Whole
countries becoming uninhabitable!”) or of nuclear pollution. In a public survey
a few years ago in my home country of Belgium, 60 percent of
youngsters believed
that the “smoke” billowing out of nuclear cooling towers was carbon dioxide
(it’s actually pure water vapor). Surely, those ominous-looking towers must be
spewing dangerous greenhouse gases and pollutants into the atmosphere, or why
would the good people at Greenpeace and the World Wildlife
Fund want
to shut them down? I’m sure that some people also sincerely believe
(against all the evidence) that nuclear waste is an unacceptable burden to
future generations (“Deadly for a million years!”).
Still,
at some point we have to start suspecting wilful ignorance. The yawning gap in CO2 emissions between
nuclear-powered France and renewable-powered Germany has been known for years, and yet the
German Energiewende is still celebrated by groups like
Greenpeace. The people at the heads of such organizations are very well
educated and have known about the climate benefits of nuclear energy for
decades.
Not
all influential climate catastrophists fail the nuclear litmus test. The
climatologist James Hansen, who famously testified before the US Senate in 1988
about the impending climate disaster, is an avid defender of
nuclear energy,
which he thinks is pretty much the only thing that can save us. The climate
writer and activist Mark Lynas, author of the extremely bleak tome Our Final Warning, also
unites a belief in climate catastrophism with strong
pro-nuclear advocacy. Other examples include the late environmentalist James Lovelock and Guardian columnist George Monbiot. If you are serious
about the climate problem, supporting nuclear power is the only sensible
position to take.
But
there are other puzzling incongruences in climate doomerism. It is somewhat
bizarre, as Rebecca Solnit has
pointed out in the Guardian, that climate
doomers feel the urge to spread their defeatist message in the first place,
since it seems almost designed to discourage people who might otherwise be
motivated to act. “You would expect them to be quietly unmotivated, but a lot
of them seem to have an evangelical passion for recruiting others to their
views.” By actively contributing to general inaction, their fatalistic
discourse will surely work “toward the worst outcomes they claim to dread.”
Extinction Rebellion and Just Stop Oil are driving a small minority of
ideologically like-minded people (who were already worried in the first place)
to despair or depression while leaving
the majority of people indifferent. What’s worse, many
ordinary citizens are so thoroughly repelled by the aggressive disruptions of
public life in museums, concerts, and subways that they have become sick of the
entire subject and end up voting for right-wing
populists who
don’t give a damn about the climate. Do the climate activists want to rescue
the planet, then, or just piss off as many people as possible?
Even
activists who stress that it’s not yet too late to avert disaster seem to be
more interested in riding their own ideological hobby horses—such as railing
against capitalism and neoliberalism—than in actually proposing effective
solutions. Influential climate activists like Naomi Klein and Jason Hickel treat the issue
of climate change mostly as a cudgel with which to beat “the system” and an
excuse to push a laundry list of left-wing demands that they would’ve favoured
anyway (wealth redistribution, universal basic income, participatory democracy,
death to neoliberalism) and that won’t affect the climate at all—as they should
know if they have even a modicum of economic knowledge. This might also explain
their disdain for—or even active sabotage of—ambitious technological solutions
to climate change, which they often haughtily dismiss as mere “techno-fixes,”
because such solutions would obviate the need for their
longed-for “system change.” Environmentalists have even opposed their own preferred
clean-energy solutions, by leading public protests and litigation against wind
turbines, solar parks, and transmission lines. As reporter Jerusalem
Demsas recently asked, “Isn’t there a
tension between pushing for a fast transition to a green economy and giving
local objectors so much power to block renewable-energy projects?” There’s some
high-voltage tension there, indeed.
Another
litmus test to distinguish real concern from posturing is provided by
geoengineering, specifically solar radiation
management in
the stratosphere. This technology, which mimics volcanic action, could
significantly reduce the temperature on Earth almost instantly, though it
wouldn’t solve those problems directly caused by CO2 levels,
such as ocean acidification, and could lead to undesirable side-effects (not
unlike volcanoes themselves). I am not in favour of such drastic remedies—at
least for the time being—precisely because I’m reasonably confident that
humanity will adapt its way out of our self-inflicted global warming and that
we are not barrelling down a path towards collective suicide. But if you believe
that billions are about to be roasted to death, and yet you don’t even want
to hear about artificial cooling technology for fear of
“possible side-effects,” how seriously do you expect me to take your position?
You sound like a doctor withholding a promising cancer drug to a terminal
patient because of “possible side-effects.” If you seriously believe that
runaway global warming poses an existential threat to humanity, you
should at least advocate for
more research into
solar radiation management.
Perhaps
we should be relieved that few climate doomers really believe what they’re
telling us. In a 2007 essay, novelist and journalist John Lanchester wonders why climate
activists have committed so few terrorist attacks. After all, he reasons,
terrorism is one of the most effective forms of political action, and activists
feel very strongly about the looming threat of climate change. It would be
trivially easy, he reasons, for a few dozen activists to, say, trash thousands
of SUVs in a month, and to blow up some petrol stations while they’re at it.
Could it be, Lanchester muses, that “even the people who feel most strongly
about climate change on some level can’t quite bring themselves to believe in
it?” More recently, Andreas Malm has published a manifesto with the unsettling
title How to Blow Up a
Pipeline.
The title is a bit of a misnomer; as Ezra Klein has
pointed out,
the book should have been called Why Have So Few Pipelines Been Blown
Up? After all, pipelines are vulnerable pieces of infrastructure and
easy to destroy, since they stretch for thousands of kilometres. Why not blow
up a couple of them just to shake the world out of its complacency, asks Malm?
Even Malm seems incapable of bringing himself to believe in the catastrophe he
preaches. When journalist David Marchese reminded him that he has
children of his own, Malm responded: “Yes, but I have to admit to some kind of
cognitive dissonance, because, rationally, when you think about children and
their future, you have to be dismal.” Could it be that Malm’s decision to have
children reveals his true belief better than the message of doom he professes?
In Kim Stanley
Robinson's celebrated 2020 novel The Ministry for the
Future,
climate terrorists start shooting down first private jets and then any
commercial plane that isn’t powered by clean electricity or sustainable
aviation fuel. In Robinson’s book, the eco-warriors finally force the world to
get its act together and take drastic action, ushering in a new dawn for
humanity. (In real life, it seems more likely that there would be a huge crackdown on climate
terrorists and a massive public
backlash against
climate policies.) So, shouldn’t we be glad that so few people are heeding
Malm’s advice and unleashing their inner Ted Kaczynski? Sure, in recent
years a few SUV tires have been
deflated by
eco-activists, but that’s nothing compared to the gruesome terrorist attacks
portrayed in Robinson’s novel.
It’s
impossible to know how many climate doomers harbor deeply held
convictions and
how many are merely virtue signalling. Some, like the psychiatric patient
described above, seem genuinely terrified. But not all climate doomers are like
him. I have debated several leading activists from Extinction Rebellion and proponents of
degrowth who
seem to be—there’s no way to put this politely— full of shit. All they seem to
care about is ideological posturing, blindly raging against “the system,”
and feeling morally
superior to everyone else. Climate change provides ample opportunities for such
empty posturing, precisely because its long-range effects are so remote,
diffuse, and hard to pinpoint. It’s the ideal playground for people who like to
revel in inconsequential, self-satisfied, no-skin-in-the-game tribalism.
Activists
of all stripes will continue to take to the streets to preach that the end of
the world is nigh, but that doesn’t mean that we should take them seriously.
Perhaps they don’t even take themselves seriously. It’s incredibly frustrating
that those who express the greatest concern about climate change are often also
the staunchest opponents of effective climate solutions. But perhaps we should
be grateful that so few of these people genuinely believe what they profess to
believe. You wouldn’t want to live in a society in which millions of
people really think that the planet will go to hell in a
handbasket unless we start blowing up pipelines and shooting down planes.
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