By Matthew Continetti
Saturday, March 30, 2024
On March 25, the United States abstained from a
United Nations Security Council vote calling for an immediate and unconditional
cease-fire between Israel and Hamas. (The resolution separately called on Hamas
to release its captives.) It was the first time since the war began six months
ago that America has failed to protect Israel from efforts at delegitimization
through multilateral institutions such as the United Nations. The United States
could have vetoed the resolution, as it has done in the past. It chose not to.
The shameful decision emboldened Hamas terrorists and undermined our alliance
with the Jewish state.
Just don’t call it a change in policy. If you do,
President Biden and his foreign policy team will become upset. “Our vote does
not — I repeat — does not represent a shift in our policy,” White House
national-security spokesman John Kirby told reporters. Asked about Israeli prime minister Benjamin
Netanyahu’s calling off a delegation to Washington in response to the
abstention, Kirby said, “The prime minister’s office seems to be indicating
through public statements that we somehow changed here. We haven’t.”
Thus, according to the Biden administration, the
withdrawal of support at the United Nations is not a departure. Nor is Senator
Chuck Schumer’s (D., N.Y.) recent speech calling for new elections and a new
government in Israel and describing Hamas and Netanyahu, as well as Mahmoud
Abbas of the Palestinian Authority and “radical right-wing Israelis,” as
equivalent “obstacles to peace.”
Vice President Kamala Harris’s warning over the weekend
that “any major military operation” in Hamas’s last redoubt, Rafah, “would be a
huge mistake”? That must not be different from earlier administration policy,
either. After all, “I have studied the maps.” It’s one smooth continuum, we are
supposed to believe, from Biden’s visit to Israel and embrace of Netanyahu on
October 18 to Biden’s current oppositional posture toward Israel’s tactics,
strategy, and elected leader.
Well, then. The absurdity of the Biden position is not
surprising. These are the same people who said that inflation would be
temporary, that unauthorized crossings on the southern border were seasonal,
that America would prevent al-Qaeda and ISIS from recouping in Afghanistan,
that the threat of sanctions would deter Vladimir Putin from invading Ukraine,
and that the president’s age and memory aren’t concerns because he is really mean to staff and swears a lot. Of course they would pretend that their turn
against Israel, their lurch toward a cease-fire that would allow Hamas remnants
to survive, was something else entirely. Gaslighting is
not just a hobby for team Biden. It’s a lifestyle.
On one level, though, I sort of sympathize with John
Kirby. To change a policy, you must have a policy. And it is increasingly clear
that the Biden administration has no coherent Israel policy, nor a coherent
policy for the Greater Middle East. What the Biden administration has instead
is a wish list. The items on this list sound nice to liberal ears: Defeat
Hamas, free the hostages, capsize Netanyahu’s coalition, end the war, and
jump-start the peace process. But the items are also numerous. They conflict with
one another. They aren’t prioritized in any way.
A policy implies a strategy, an alignment of ends with
means. Yet Biden’s end — the resolution of an irreconcilable conflict — is
utopian. And his means — a Palestinian state — is worse than farfetched. A
Palestinian state, if established under current conditions, would be a
dictatorship that threatens the lives of everyone in its vicinity. A
Palestinian state would not be a gain but an error of galactic proportions.
To believe that a cease-fire would lead to a nonviolent
Palestinian state and Israeli-Saudi normalization is to succumb to delusion. A
cease-fire would leave Hamas’s remaining brigades intact, emboldening its
leadership and its followers in the West Bank, Lebanon, and elsewhere. A
cease-fire would tempt Hezbollah to escalate its simmering conflict with
Israel. A cease-fire would strengthen Iran and its proxies, including the
Houthis. There is one way to restore security, reduce tensions, and promote regional
integration: Allow Israel to prove its strength by ending Hamas as a coherent
military force.
That answer might not satisfy the columnists who visit
Biden in the Oval Office, flattering him with tall tales of historic
achievements if only he bullies Israel into letting Hamas escape. It is no
doubt easier to believe, as Biden and his national-security adviser Jake
Sullivan do, that there are no tradeoffs and that the dangers of radical
Islamist movements can be wished away by reciting the mantra of a “foreign policy for the middle class.”
And yet, by privileging domestic politics over serious
policy, Biden has found himself, Commander-like,
chasing his own tail. Biden says he supports Israel while desperately trying to
appease the anti-Israel vote in Michigan. He promises severe consequences for
Iran, its militias, and the Houthis while granting Iran a $10 billion sanctions
waiver and looking elsewhere as soon as proxy violence tapers off. He voices
his frustration with Netanyahu while saying nothing as Hamas leaders visit with the Ayatollah Khamenei in Tehran.
“In balancing U.S. interests and priorities,” writes
my AEI colleague Danielle Pletka, “the White House and its allies in Europe
will face two options: engage in a region ever more dominated by Iran and its
proxies, or cede Iranian dominance, replete with a lethal nuclear weapons
program. The choice should be obvious.” If only it were obvious to Biden and
the anti-Bibi Democrats, whose dislike of Israel’s elected leader is blinding
them to geopolitical reality. Absent a directed, sustained, and articulated
policy of no daylight between the United States and Israel, the rift between
America and her ally will widen and the world will grow more dangerous. Such is
life with President Biden amid a darkening international scene that, alas, has
not changed one bit.
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