By Seth Mandel
Monday,
January 01, 2025
After
pulling every last Israeli out of Gaza and handing the territory to the
Palestinians in 2005, the once-loathed Ariel Sharon was told by his old
political nemesis, Shimon Peres, that it seemed as though every Western leader
was struggling “while you, Arik, are enjoying the support of the whole world.”
“Yes,”
the old warrior responded.
“But for how long?”
Sharon
already knew the answer. Two weeks before this moment, MSNBC had noticed Israel
was still going ahead with construction in the Jerusalem suburbs and building
its security fence to protect Israelis from West Bank terrorist attacks.
“Enjoying a moment of international sympathy, Sharon’s government is moving
swiftly to capitalize on its unilateral withdrawal and ongoing demolition of 25
Jewish settlements,” readers were informed.
When
you hear a word like “sympathy” regarding Israel, you know there’s another word
that can’t be far behind. That word is squandering. “Palestinian
officials say the move to begin construction in new sections of Maale Adumim
risks squandering the goodwill Israel generated by uprooting settlements for
the first time on land designated to be part of a future Palestinian state.”
There
it is. Like Chekhov’s gun that you know will be fired, if there’s sympathy for
Israel you know it’ll be squandered.
“Since
the brutal attacks by Hamas on Oct. 7, I have been filled with a familiar sense
of dread as the Israeli government has squandered the sympathy and support of
so many around the globe,” begins an unusually vapid rant at
War on the Rocks, a site normally known more for getting into the weeds of
strategy than for logorrheic diary entries.
“As
predicted, Israel has squandered the goodwill and empathy it had after the
brutal Oct 7th tragedy due to its bloody retribution,” pronounced anti-Israel
triteness-generator Wajahat Ali.
American
Prospect editor
Robert Kuttner fretted that “Netanyahu’s
Gaza attacks are rapidly squandering precious global goodwill.”
At
the Financial Times, Gideon Rachman warned that “there
is also a large group who start from a position of real sympathy for Israel —
but who will be alienated if, for example, the cut-off of water and electricity
to Gaza leads to starvation or outbreaks of disease; or if Israel flattens the
territory, as the Russians once destroyed Grozny.”
Grozny!
My, how things escalate.
Some
were more honest about the disingenuous nature of their supposed sympathy. “All
my sympathy for Israel,” lamented Croatian
President Zoran Milanović, “unfortunately they lost within 15
minutes” of the Oct. 7 attacks. And he probably literally meant 15 minutes.
These
observations about Israel’s squandering nature are offered not in anger but in
sadness, of course. Why can’t Israel ever do anything constructive with
sympathy?
It’s
not as though there’s some mysterious equation to solve here. Israelis gained
all that sympathy on Oct. 7 by dying horrible deaths. What’s more important,
sympathy or survival? The world is very disappointed in the Jewish state’s
choice.
It’s
an old story. After Germany’s 1938 annexation of Austria, Jews were desperate
for escape. President Franklin Roosevelt wasn’t willing to effect any change in
U.S. immigration policy, either by executive action or pressuring Congress. But
he was willing to organize a conference of nations who would talk and talk and
talk about how sad it all was, because that at least could “show our sympathy
with the victims of those conditions.”
“Sympathy”
for the Jews usually means a death sentence. And FDR ensured it would be so, as
Rick Richman writes in And None Shall Make
Them Afraid, his recent book of key moments in the life and work
of various Zionist figures (also reviewed in Commentary’s
July/August issue here): “The text of the invitation
included an assurance that no country would be expected to change its laws to
admit more refugees or to provide any funds to resettle refugees; any
financing, the invitation noted, would have to be provided by private organizations.”
FDR
also instructed the State Department to prevent any consideration of sending
the fleeing European Jews to Palestine. Other Western democracies were no
better.
In
attendance to watch all this unfold was Golda Meir. She was both dejected and
resolute. The lesson was that “Jews neither can nor should ever depend on
anyone else for permission to stay alive.” The conference inspired one of her
most famous comments: “There is one thing I hope to see before I die, and that
is that my people should not need expressions of sympathy anymore.”
Meir
would return to this theme time and again after the establishment of the state
of Israel and her rise to the prime minister’s office. The world, she
repeatedly recognized, was full of sympathy for dead and defeated Jews,
and the Jews would squander that sympathy by surviving. What has changed
isn’t the world’s preferences but the Jewish people’s ability to render those
preferences irrelevant.
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