By Noah Rothman
Wednesday,
January 17, 2024
On
paper, Republicans have a lot of advantages. The GOP owns what polling
indicates are the most salient issues for voters heading into the
2024 general-election cycle. Inflation is moving in the wrong direction. The crisis at the southern border is only getting worse.
The international threat environment is deteriorating at an alarming pace. As all this would suggest, the
Democratic president who presides over these conditions is about as popular as head lice. And yet, Democrats keep winning
elections.
Florida’s
35th legislative district in eastern Orange and Osceola counties should have
been a Republican district. Ron DeSantis won it by double digits in his
gubernatorial reelection bid. State representative Fred Hawkins, who
represented the district before resigning to assume the presidency of South
Florida State College, defeated his Democratic opponent in 2022 by ten points.
But in last night’s special election to replace the outgoing Republican,
Democrat Tom Keen flipped the district with a vote of 51 to 49 percent.
“What
actually clinched the win for Democrats was this massive margin with NPAs
[no-party-affiliation], and perhaps some Republican moderates as well,”
Democratic elections analyst Matt Isabell told the Orlando Sentinel. “If anything, this should be
concerning for the GOP because it indicates a voter anger that maybe they have
not understood.” That partisan analysis might be the correct analysis, according
to New York Times chief political analyst Nate Cohn.
Keen’s
victory is representative of a trend toward Democratic overperformance in down-ballot and special elections throughout
2023, and much of that phenomenon is attributable to high turnout among voters
who should be depressed by the national political environment.
In
December, Democrats retained control of a relatively uncompetitive legislative
district in Minnesota. “Republicans were hoping to use an expected low turnout
to their advantage,” the Minnesota Reformer observed. But
voters didn’t cooperate with the GOP. Special elections in 2023 helped Democrats retain control of the Pennsylvania house of
representatives, which the party won for the first time since 2010 in 2022 but
briefly ceded due to vacancies. “In New Hampshire, a Democrat won by 12 points
in a district Trump narrowly carried in 2020, putting the party within one seat
of ending the GOP’s state government trifecta,” Axios reported last year. And it’s not
just special elections. In November 2023’s off-year elections, Republican
candidates failed to oust the Democratic governor of Kentucky or recapture
Virginia’s lower legislative chamber, and they sacrificed what should have been
relatively safe GOP seats in New Jersey.
Democratic
elections analyst Simon Rosenberg — a partisan analyst who nonetheless foresaw
the GOP’s underperformance in the 2022 midterms despite the historic tailwinds
from which the party was expected to benefit — saw signs of the Republican
Party’s turnout problem manifesting in Monday’s Iowa caucuses. “Iowa’s really
low turnout made the Caucuses another election where Republicans struggled,
underperformed, as they’ve done again and again since Dobbs,” he
wrote.
Maybe.
Perhaps those caucuses were the lowest attended since the year 2000 because of the
abominable weather and the relatively uncompetitive contest between Donald
Trump and his opponents. Or maybe turnout was conspicuously low in the state’s urban and suburban counties because the GOP
can no longer count on the votes of what used to be the party’s bread and
butter: well-educated, reasonably affluent, high-propensity voters in the
suburbs.
All
this points to a counterintuitive set of circumstances. For all the conditions
that should be suppressing Democratic enthusiasm, it’s the
GOP’s voters who are depressed.
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