By Jim Geraghty
Monday,
January 15, 2024
Years
from now, the 2024 Iowa Caucus will be remembered as “the one with all the
blizzards.” Last week, the one week of my life that I’ve chosen to spend in Des
Moines, the city received the most snow it’s gotten in a five-day
period since 1941.
Friday,
I was scheduled to appear on Fox News, and thankfully, they sent a car. The
roads were still covered in quite a bit of snow, and it was indisputably
blizzard conditions — whipping wind, drifting piles of snow, slippery ice. The
plows were on the highways, doing their best, but no sane person should’ve been
on the roads, or walking the streets.
I
made my appearance (you can watch here),
and then I received the least-surprising flight cancellation of my life. So
instead of heading on to the airport, it was back to the hotel for another
night.
In
circumstances like this, the conversation in the SUV inevitably turns to
politics. My driver — who was exceptionally skilled at driving in just about
the worst possible conditions short of an earthquake — said he was a Trump fan
and would be caucusing for Trump tonight. He mentioned that while he didn’t
think it was a requirement, he preferred a president who had served in the
military. I said I agreed, and wondered whether he saw Ron DeSantis’s service in the Navy during the Iraq War as
appealing.
Instead,
my driver talked about Donald Trump’s time in military school — Trump spent five years at the New York Military Academy in
Cornwall-on-Hudson — and said he felt that gave Trump a particular
insight into military matters.
Right
now, the Trump fans in this newsletter’s copious readership are nodding and
saying, “Yes, that makes sense,” or “Yes, I feel that way, too.” And the Trump
critics are looking at the above assessment and exclaiming, “How can you
possibly think that? Trump didn’t serve during Vietnam because of bone spurs!
He mocked John McCain’s captivity! He allegedly called Americans who died for their country ‘suckers’
and ‘losers’! Younger veterans preferred Biden!”
I
mention this anecdote to illustrate the phenomenon that when a voter likes a
particular candidate, they figure out ways to believe that their preferred
candidate meets their ideal criteria; if that means they have to believe spending 1959 to 1964 in the New York Military Academy
is better preparation for the presidency than serving in the U.S. Navy’s Judge
Advocate General Corps from 2004 to 2010, they’ll choose to believe that.
(DeSantis served in Iraq in 2007 as senior legal adviser to the SEAL who commanded
Special Operations Task Force-West in Fallujah, Navy captain Dane Thorleifson.
DeSantis also did an early stint at Guantanamo Bay. And we can also point out
that Nikki Haley’s husband, Major Michael Haley, is currently deployed to Djibouti in support of Operation Enduring
Freedom, Horn of Africa. You might think that being a military spouse gives
you a particular insight into the reality and lived experience of those who
wear the uniform.)
If
you’re not a fan of Trump, and you see Trump’s ability to generate Democratic
turnout as just about the only chance Joe Biden has at a second term, then the
Trump fanbase’s ability to always find new reasons to love him and to hand-wave
away his glaring flaws is maddening. If you are a fan of Trump, you probably
find the idea of abandoning him now in favor of DeSantis or Haley or some other
candidate to represent a form of betrayal. Four separate prosecutors have filed
charges against him, the Colorado supreme court decided to yank him off the
ballot, and the Maine secretary of state did the same.
While
it’s always possible that Iowa Republicans will surprise us, and the frigid weather and potential crossover voters represent new
variables, it appears extremely likely that Donald Trump will win tonight’s
Iowa Caucus, and win it by a large margin. The dynamic that is visible in that last Des Moines Register poll
is the same one that has been at work in the entire primary: About
half the party wants to renominate Trump. The rest is split among DeSantis,
Nikki Haley, and a few other options. If DeSantis, Haley, or anybody else
wanted to beat Trump, they needed to unify that non-Trump vote, and it is
diverse with disparate, sometimes contradictory desires.
The
MAGA movement is heavily driven by Americans who feel like they don’t recognize
their country anymore. Yes, lots of Americans may romanticize their past. They
probably mix up better days for the country with the better days for
themselves, before the back pain, groaning knees, and the half-dozen pills the
doctor told them they had to take every morning. A lot of older Americans
feel ignored and devalued, shunted aside and forgotten.
Unsurprisingly,
the slogan “Make America Great Again” is going to resonate with people who feel
like everything from the state of the country to the state of their personal
lives used to be great, or at least better, but has declined in recent years or
decades. There’s a line from Bob Dole’s 1996 acceptance speech that applies here:
Let me be the bridge to an America than only
the unknowing call myth. Let me be the bridge to a time of tranquility, faith
and confidence in action. And to those who say it was never so, that America’s
not been better, I say you’re wrong. And I know because I was there. And I have
seen it. And I remember.
Trump’s
supporters are absolutely convinced that things were better in the 1990s, the
1980s, the 1950s, or some other earlier decade — and that with some policy
changes, those glory days can be substantially restored or recreated.
And
there are indeed some new and different problems in America today. Americans
did not always see a half-dozen or so day laborers hanging around the Home
Depot or Lowe’s, probably in the country illegally, looking for work and
getting paid under the table. Shoplifting used to be a problem associated with
juvenile delinquents, not such a severe problem that toothpaste, soap, and deodorant now
get locked up in the store. When someone was caught stealing something,
even small or cheap, it was still considered a crime that warranted punishment;
very few people thought that the value of what was stolen had to meet a threshold of $1,000 for
the crime to be considered a felony.
Going
to college was never cheap, but attending a four-year public college costs 64 percent more than
it did 20 years ago, and attending a two-year public college costs 59
percent more than it did 20 years ago.
I
thought Peggy Noonan’s 2022 insight about the changing nature of
violent crime was an important one:
In New York, and the country more broadly,
the scary thing isn’t that crime is high, though it is, though not as high as
in previous crime waves. What’s scary is that people no longer think the
personal protective measures they used in the past apply. Previous crime waves
were a matter of street thugs and professional criminals, and you could take
steps in anticipation of their actions. Don’t walk in the park at night —
criminals like darkness. Take the subway in rush hour — criminals don’t like
witnesses. Don’t be on Main Street at 1 a.m., but do go to the afternoon
parade.
You could calculate, thereby increasing your
margin of safety.
Now such measures are less relevant because
what you see on the street and in the news tells you that more than in the past
we’re at the mercy of the seriously mentally ill. You can’t calculate their
actions because they can’t be predicted, because they’re crazy.
Every
headline about crime, every video of a caravan of migrants heading to the
U.S.–Mexico border, every story of an innocent person being pushed onto subway tracks by a mentally ill homeless person,
every lunatic teacher spotlighted on LibsOfTikTok, every rally by young
activist types who are convinced that Hamas and the Houthis are the good guys
and Israeli civilians and cargo ships are the bad guys is further evidence to
this crowd that the world is spinning off its axis. And they’ve concluded that
no one reasonable or polite could possibly fix this mess.
Sure,
77-year-old Donald Trump is a man of the past. The past is where these people
want to go.
(Intriguingly,
the fact that then-78-year-old Joe Biden beat all other contenders in the 2020
Democratic presidential primary suggests that the Democratic Party has a decent
number of people who want to go back to the past, too. Except the past the
Democrats want to go to is one of high membership in unions, Roe v.
Wade being the law of the land, the White House press corps barely mentioning a president’s
health issues, and entering the country without permission not being a crime.)
Plus,
there’s the sunken-costs theory. If you’ve voted for Donald Trump twice, you’ve
probably been called deplorable, racist, sexist, xenophobic, hateful, and a
threat to the country. A lot of Trump voters probably believe that abandoning
their candidate now would represent a concession that his critics were right.
And
we can’t have that, now, can we? After all, it’s just the
presidency at stake.
ADDENDUM: In that Des Moines Register poll:
More than 6-in-10 likely Republican
caucusgoers — 61 percent — say that it doesn’t matter to their support if
former President Donald Trump is convicted of a crime before the general
election By comparison, 19% of likely Iowa caucusgoers say a Trump conviction
would make it more likely that they’d back Trump, while 18
percent say it would make them less likely to support the former president in
the general election.
At
first glance, those statistics sound like good news for Trump, but if 18
percent of Republicans vote third party, or for Biden, or leave it blank,
that’s actually terrible news for Trump’s chances. In 2020, roughly
94 percent of self-identified Republicans voted for Trump. In 2020, 88
percent of self-identified Republicans voted for Trump.
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