By Charles C. W. Cooke
Tuesday, September 01, 2015
Since he jumped self-confidently into the political
limelight, Donald Trump has been quite the upside-down man. Customarily,
primary seasons permit each party’s voters to indulge in a rational process of
elimination: First, they discover which candidate most closely agrees with them
on policy, and then they ask themselves whether that person is capable of representing
their ideas in public. This time around, however, this process has been
disastrously inverted, a solid portion of the Republican party’s balloters
having decided first who they want to speak on their behalf, and then, as if
t’were a mere afterthought, wondered what he might end up saying. That their
pick lacks any sort of conservative message at all does not seem to have
mattered in the slightest. “We want that guy,” a host of voters have
determined. “Whatever he believes, he says it so well.”
If you have in the last few years become vexed and
frustrated by the Republican base’s penchant for political purity, you should
perhaps be breathing a little easier. A handful of months ago many of those who
now make up Trump’s rank-and-file were ideological perfectionists who hated the
GOP’s leadership, believed to their souls that the country was becoming a
socialist hell-hole, and insisted vehemently that they had sat out the 2012
election because Mitt Romney was such a terrible squish. Today, by dint of some
dark and unholy magic, these wannabe purists have hitched their wagons to
Donald Trump, the greatest shape-shifter of them all.
Thus it is that an array of self-described “true
conservatives” have put themselves in the awkward position of supposing that an
“assault weapons” ban isn’t that big a deal after all. Thus have the pioneers
of litmus testing lined up obediently behind a guy whose position on Planned
Parenthood is identical to Hillary Clinton’s. Thus have the Scalia-citing
“constitutional conservatives” taken to lionizing a man whose primary criticism
of the liberty-shredding Kelo v. New London ruling was that it didn’t go far
enough. Thus have the screaming eagles of Twitter and beyond taken to
contending that the class-conscious tax hikes that the America-hating communist
Bernie Sanders proposes are akin to apple-pie-and-motherhood when they’re
floated by Donald Trump.
Little did we know how quickly “take America back” would
disintegrate in the face of a little pop culture. When, in the early fifteenth
century, Pope Leo X began to move the Vatican in a direction that the faithful
considered unorthodox, Martin Luther launched the spiritual counterattack by
issuing a restatement of his principles. When, in 2015, a pretender rose to the
top of the Republican field and began to tug the party toward Europe on every
issue but one, he was swiftly rewarded with surging poll numbers and a rock’s
star’s reception. Molon labe? Sure, unless the Persians are on The Apprentice.
“For years,” the New York Times observed drily yesterday,
“Republicans have run for office on promises of cutting taxes and bolstering
business to stimulate economic growth. . . . But this election cycle, the
Republican presidential candidate who currently leads in most polls is taking a
different approach, and it is jangling the nerves of some of the party’s most
traditional supporters.”
As it damn well should.
Contrary to the fevered imagination of the exasperated
American Left, conservative candidates for public office do not tend to take a
free-market approach to fiscal policy because it helps “the rich,” but because
they believe in earnest that it helps the whole country. By and large, this
same rule applies to conservative voters, many of whom may not always benefit
directly from the lack of meddling and modest confiscation, but who conceive
nevertheless that a capitalistic economy is likely to deliver better results in
the long term than is a power-hungry Uncle Sam. That old bolshie John Steinbeck
may or may not have written that “socialism never took root in America because
the poor see themselves not as an exploited proletariat but as temporarily embarrassed
millionaires,” but the sentiment is a solid one nonetheless. That Thomas Frank
and his many friends within the “what’s the matter with Kansas?” clique happen
to believe solemnly that higher taxes, more spending, and increased regulation
would be better for poorer Americans does not, in fact, mean that those
Americans secretly agree. On the contrary: Obamaesque talk of “fair shares” is
usually met with pushback and even insults from rightward-leaning types of all
classes and cabals. That Donald Trump is winning their support with the sort of
brainless, simplistic, counter-Bastiatian snake-oil that is typically dismissed
out of hand is nothing short of astonishing.
In recent weeks, the Times reports, “Trump has threatened
to impose tariffs on American companies that put their factories in other
countries,” and vowed too to “increase taxes on the compensation of hedge fund
managers.” Elsewhere, he has brazenly channeled Elizabeth Warren in tone —
“didn’t build this country”; “fair share”; “got lucky” — and promised increases in government spending that are demonstrably unsustainable. Alas, he has
suffered scant pushback for his heresy. Honesty requires us to acknowledge that
had President Obama endorsed exactly the same policies and rhetoric, the
reaction from the Trumpkins would have been little short of nuclear. Where are
those fawning Paul Ryan memes and indignant Founding Fathers’ quotes now,
chaps?
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