By Stephen L. Miller
Thursday, September 10, 2015
Currently, there is a 2016 presidential candidate
barnstorming his way across the country to hyped-up, adoring crowds while
caterwauling about the establishment failures of the ruling political class,
claiming to be the candidate of the people and the only one in the running that
cannot be bought by Washington special interests. His blustery non-conformities
are reverberating throughout the fringe base of the party and captivating the
media’s attention.
I am of course referring to (*ahem* Democratic) socialist
Bernie Sanders, who one day out of the blue seemingly just decided to get up
and run for president after giving up on the New York Times crossword and
Sudoku. Sanders was never meant to be anything more than a disgruntled tomato
can on the path to the coronation of Queen BAE Hillary, a useful sparring
partner whose job was to jab her just enough without hurting her in preparation
for the actual main event. The only problem for Hillary and the DNC is that
Sanders’s special brand of Grampa Simpson relativism is catching on, and
Hillary hasn’t been too great at dodging punches.
Sanders is that guy you’ve gone out of your way to avoid
a hundred times stepping off a city bus, who looks like he’s desperately on the
verge of spilling the contents of the loose-leaf folders under his arms while
sweating through the same bedraggled blazer he’s been wearing for 25 years.
He’s the kind of politician that needs a person playing a tuba following him
wherever he goes. We all know someone like him. He’s the guy who runs for HOA
president because he’s tired of getting those damn mailers from Domino’s Pizza
in his mailbox that are addressed to his neighbors, and he will stop at nothing
to fix it (Comrade! The Garlic Knots coupons must be spread equally amongst the
people). He’s the Larry David of Washington, unable to turn the other cheek to
a pig parker or someone in line ahead of him at Pinkberry taking her sweet time
sampling every flavor.
He’s just common enough for people to ignore his status
as a congressional insider for the past thirty years.
And that’s exactly what makes him so politically
dangerous. It’s why his legions of Internet fans on Facebook and Reddit are
willing to overlook his underreported kooky theories on why women fantasize
about being sexually assaulted and the causes of cervical cancer (lack of
orgasms — science!). Sanders is echoing the populist, anti-corporatist
sentiment that has made Chief Elizabeth Warren, a senator for barely two years,
a kingmaker of her party. Sanders’s socialist diatribes have pushed even the
limits of what Barack Obama knew he could get away with in 2008. But this isn’t
2008 anymore and our ears have grown accustomed to populist theatrics
masquerading as policy solutions to a middle class who sees their income
shrinking.
But the biggest mystery seems to be how Sanders is able
to get away with it after seven years of a president whom he ideologically
agrees with almost point for point. If a “political revolution,” which Sanders
often likes to declare is the goal of his candidacy, depends on the working
poor or unemployed, then by definition it needs as many of those people as
possible to carry it out. The key to this kind of messaging is mobilization,
and in particular the mobilization of the angry and disenfranchised (See Black
Lives Matter and the Occupy movement). Saul Alinksy once referred to this
dynamic as receiving power in reaction to a threat. If your goal is to get
elected on the backs of the young, angry, poor, and unemployed, then the means
to your end is not to create less of those kinds of voters, it’s to create more
and keep them angry. Beyond this, Sanders’s hyper-populist message is dependent
on the media reporting on how popular it seems. At Bernie campaign rallies,
media almost always report crowd sizes like they’re reporting on a U2 concert,
but the second he opens his mouth the tweets and the stenographing magically
stop.
There is little to no curiosity among our media elite
about how a Democratic candidate for president is able to campaign on a
shrinking middle class, record highs of unemployment, record lows of workforce
participation, record wage stagnation, and record entitlement dependency, while
a Democratic president simultaneously travels around the country touting his
economic success on all counts. How is it allowed to go unnoticed that this
candidate suggests that economic growth was better under Richard Nixon thanunder Barack Obama?
Last week, Obama administration officials took victory
laps on social media and cable news over a new low in unemployment of 5.1
percent (a lower rate, they claim, than at any point during Reagan’s
presidency). Meanwhile, Sanders, as a routine part of his campaign stump speech
was lamenting that the real unemployment level is 10.3 percent, and that youth
unemployment, including African-American youth unemployment, is hovering around
50 percent. How can both be true? It’s simply which rates the administration
chooses to report, and more important, which rates the media choose to cover —
or in Sanders’s case, not to cover.
It seems newsworthy that in the run-up to a pivotal
election, a presidential candidate is not only actively campaigning against the
record of a sitting president of the same party, but gathering auspiciously
large crowds by doing so. Of course, if the media were to report on the fiery
John Reed–inspired rhetoric Sanders is blasting out to his zombie hordes at
sold-out arenas, the carefully crafted Hollywood script of Barack Obama’s
successful presidency would come tumbling down.
When questioned about whether Sanders brought up the 10.3
percent unemployment figure at an event in Portland, Ore., embedded Buzzfeed
reporter Evan McMorris-Santoro, who was all too happy to photograph the crowd
size, hesitantly confirmed that he did, then directed me to go find Sanders’s
remarks on YouTube. Thanks, reporter guy! When I asked MSNBC campaign reporter
Alex Seitz-Wald about similar claims in Sanders’s speech, he told me quotes
from his speech aren’t reported because “He gives the same speech every time.”
So, of course, why report it at all? This is not a phenomenon unique to these
two reporters charged with informing the public at large. Contrast this
approach to that of media covering Hillary, whose carefully scripted
appearances are transcribed almost word for word.
Sanders needs to sell a hopeless dystopian future. But
the threat, of course, cannot be the economically devastating policies of
Barack Obama, Bernie Sanders, or the Democratic party in the deteriorating
inner cities of Detroit, New Orleans, Baltimore, New York, D.C., Chicago,
Oakland, and well, all of California. Rather it’s some corporate bogeyman
against which the people must rise up: The faceless evil of Walmart, Wall
Street, and any other wall Sanders finds himself yelling at. That’s a much more
convenient narrative for media to sell the millions of crestfallen baristas
wondering what happened to their Hope and Change.
Sanders may not necessarily be the perfect post-Obama
messenger, but anyone who doesn’t think he can carry that message past Grandma
and to the Democrat nomination hasn’t been paying attention to what that party
has become over the past seven years.
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