By Mario Loyola
Wednesday, March 18, 2015
Israelis are waking up to the news that not only were the
prognostications of a Netanyahu defeat wrong, but that the exit polls showing
his party, Likud, and the opposition Zionist Union neck-and-neck at 27 seats
each (in the 120-seat Knesset) were wrong too. With 95 percent of the votes
officially tallied, Likud has won 29 seats in the Knesset, with Zionist Union
gaining only 24. Likud thus emerges strengthened.
It is a sweeping, unambiguous victory for Netanyahu, who
is now certain to be the next prime minister. The question is what sort of
coalition he will put together. As Elliott Abrams notes, Netanyahu can either
form a national-unity government of Labor and Likud, or seek another coalition
of center-right and religious parties. But his last right-wing coalition fall
apart in December because of friction with the leader of the Yesh Atid party
(Yair Lapid) and that party dropped from 19 to 11 seats in the new Knesset, so
Yesh Atid is almost certainly out. That makes the other centrist party, Moshe
Kahlon’s Kulanu, one to watch, but that right-wing-coalition possibility, of
Likud, Kulanu, and the religious parties, will be quite beholden to the
religious parties. That could generate a lot of opposition against the
coalition within Israel a time that Israel faces historic challenges —
challenges perhaps best met with a unity government.
With the Islamist tide rising, and Iran everywhere in the
ascendant and on the verge of being allowed to keep its nuclear weapons
program, the years ahead will be dangerous ones for Israel. In these circumstances,
Israeli foreign policy has become largely de-politicized. Nearly 90 percent of
Israelis — basically the entire Jewish population of Israel — supported the
fearsome pummeling Netanyahu gave Hamas last summer. A recent poll shows that
more than 70 percent of Israelis oppose Obama’s looming surrender to Iran’s
nuclear-weapons program. And while Israelis may aspire to a future of two
states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side, that vision while have to
wait for another era. The results of the Clinton era “peace process” (namely
the Al-Aqsa intifada of 2000–2003) and of the 2005 Gaza withdrawal (namely the
rise of Hamas) have demonstrated plain as day that an Israeli withdrawal from
the West Bank now would be suicide.
In that sense, the Israeli elections are important
chiefly inside Israel, for domestic Israeli issues. Almost no national-security
issue is likely to be much affected by the outcome of these elections. To be
sure, as Eli Lake and Josh Rogin point out, a Labor victory would have put
Obama in a delicate position. Unlike the 1990s, Labor’s position on
national-security issues is almost indistinguishable from the Israeli right
wing, but Obama can’t afford to treat Labor the way he has treated Netanyahu.
Beyond that, the shape of the next government could affect Israel’s foreign
relations: A national-unity government will have stronger footing for a robust
foreign policy, whereas a fragile coalition will be more crimped.
But the geopolitical situation surrounding Israel at the
moment makes personalities and elections almost irrelevant, because the range
of options available to any Israeli government is so severely constrained.
Israel has settled into a long-term strategy of reactive perimeter defense. Its
leaders are in the same situation as its young soldiers, watching nervously
from the ramparts as Israel’s enemies grow stronger, biding their time. Israel
can’t do anything to change any aspect of the geopolitical forces bearing down
on it — not the situation in Syria, not the ascendancy of Iran and Hezbollah,
not the rise of the Islamic State, not even the situation with the
Palestinians.
If their memoirs are to be believed,
Clinton-administration officials would get depressed when conservatives won
elections in Israel, and there are probably a lot of long faces among
Obama-administration officials right now. But they should look at the bright
side — at least they’ve proven that American presidents can influence Israeli
elections. Clinton and Obama have done more than any two people alive to weaken
the Labor party and push the entire Israeli electorate to the right.
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