By Steven Camarota
Saturday, March 28, 2015
In a very one-sided recent article for the New York Times
Magazine, Adam Davidson tries to make the case for massive increases in
immigration. He starts out by dicussing the racial prejudice of an older
relative who always thought that Hispanics “were stealing jobs.” Davidson
believes this man’s story is illustrative of the current debate over
immigration.
Nothing delegitimizes someone in modern America more than
the suggestion, or even the hint, that they hold unenlightened attitudes about
race. It is not surprising that an advocate of high immigration would suggest
that those with whom he disagree are racists. But Davidson is supposed to be a
professional journalist writing for a national news magazine.
Davidson argues that only a “handful” of Americans
disagree with him about immigration, and this tiny minority may “make a lot of
noise,” but, like his racist relative, they are not voicing legitimate
concerns. As Alexis de Tocqueville pointed out nearly two centuries ago, public
sentiment is the ultimate source of legitimacy in American politics. So
Davidson tells us that public-opinion polls show that a strong majority are in
“favor of a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants,” citing a Pew poll
to that effect. The whole point of this discussion is to make those who would
like to enforce immigration laws and reduce immigration seem to be out of step
with the American people.
In fact, the level of public support for amnesty depends
heavily on how the question is asked. For example, this Reuters poll asked the
question differently than Pew and found that a majority of Americans want most
illegal immigrants to go home. And Kellyanne Conway of the Polling Company
asked if people supported “encouraging illegal immigrants to go back to their
home countries by keeping them from getting jobs and welfare” and found that
two-thirds of the public agreed. Further, even if one thinks Americans
overwhelmingly support legalizing illegal immigrants already here, it does not
follow that they also support the current high level of legal immigration, let
alone the vast increases that Davidson calls for.
The main point of the article is to assure us that the
economic benefits of immigration may be “the most settled fact in economics.”
After this hyperbolic statement, Davidson makes the reasonable point that
immigrants don’t just increase the supply of workers and push down wages; they
also increase demand for labor through their consumption of good and services.
He then cites an influential 25-year-old study by David Card, a well-known
economist, showing that the Mariel boatlift did not reduce wages in Miami some
three decades ago.
Davidson seems unaware of the criticisms of cross-city
comparisons of this kind, including that the movement of people, capital, and
goods between cities makes this kind of analysis questionable. Also, Card
estimated the impact just on Miami, based on a very small sample. And it is not
even clear that the effect of immigration on one city 35 years ago tells us
very much about the impact of immigration today on the nation as a whole. But
in Davidson’s mind, Card’s study pretty much settled the question.
He does write more than once that Harvard economist
George Borjas is a “lone” dissenter on these matters because he emphasizes the
negative impact on some workers. But if Borjas is really so isolated, why are
his immigration papers so frequently co-authored with other prominent
economists, such as Jeffrey Grogger, Gordon Hanson, Richard Freeman, Lawrence
Katz, et al.? Furthermore, Davidson seems unfamiliar with other studies showing
that immigration reduces the employment of the native-born, such as this one by
a Federal Reserve economist that indicates immigration has significantly
reduced the employment of American teenagers, or this study and this study,
both of which show that immigration reduces the employment of African
Americans.
Davidson then turns to the favorite economist of
high-immigration advocates, University of California economist Giovanni Peri.
He uses Peri to make the argument that immigrants do not compete with natives,
but instead complement them. The argument goes like this: The arrival of, say,
immigrant maids lowers the cost of getting your house cleaned, and this allows
more educated Americans, who can afford a maid, to spend more time working,
producing valuable goods and services, and less time cleaning. But herein lines
a dilemma. Immigration enthusiasts are loath to concede that there is any
negative wage impact from immigration. But if that is so, how can immigration
make hiring a maid more affordable?
One way around this dilemma is to assume that immigrants
lower the wages only of other immigrants. Making this assumption allows one to
say that the wages of natives are unaffected. The negative impact on immigrants
already here does not seem to matter.
The idea that immigrants with little education do not
compete with well-educated natives certainly makes good sense. But the idea
that less-educated immigrants do not compete with less-educated natives is much
harder to argue. As David Frum points out in the January issue of The Atlantic,
the kind of analysis Peri does is based on some big assumptions, such as that
native-born maids may get jobs supervising immigrant maids or move into another
occupation and avoid competition with immigrants. Surely this does happen, but
it often does not.
Analysis of government data by myself and Karen Zeigler
shows that 51 percent of maids and housekeepers are native-born. The nearly 1
million American-born maids don’t seem to have gotten the memo that this is now
a high-immigrant job category and they need to get out. Looking at all 472
occupations as defined by the Department of Commerce shows that only six are
majority immigrant, and they account for just 1 percent of the labor force.
Relocating or changing jobs often involves significant costs, so staying put
may make sense, even if one is getting hammered by immigrant completion.
As Frum observes, “a model based on unrealistic
assumptions can still achieve perfect internal consistency. It just won’t
describe the real world very accurately.” Peri himself does concede that
immigration may lower wages significantly for less-educated natives. But this
possibility never occurs to Davidson.
This points to something else in the labor market that is
relevant to any discussion of immigration. If immigration reduces wages, those
wages do not vanish into thin air. They may be retained by businesses in the
form of higher profits, and there is certainly evidence that this is what’s
happening. There is general agreement that gains in productivity in recent
decades have almost entirely accrued to owners of capital, not labor (see this study and this study). This is certainly consistent with the possibility that
by increasing the supply of workers, immigration has shifted bargaining power
to employers, allowing them to capture these gains.
It’s also worth adding that, in addition to a long-term
decline or stagnation in wages for most American workers, the share of
working-age natives who are actually working shows a long-term decline that
began well before the Great Recession. As recently as January of 2000, 52
percent of native-born Americans ages 18 to 65 without a high-school education
had a job. Today it’s 40 percent. For natives with only high-school education,
it was 74 percent in 2000; today it’s 65 percent.
The fact that workers in general and less-educated
natives in particular have not fared well in the last 35 years is not what we
would expect if immigration improved the employment prospects and wages of
natives across the board. After all, the immigrant share of the work force
roughly tripled after 1980, so if Davidson is right, this should have been a
boom time for wages and employment. In fact, the opposite happened.
Davidson also misses half of the debate over how
immigration impacts the economy — the impact on taxpayers. If you are going to
argue that immigration makes Americans financially better off, as Davidson
does, you have to at least mention the taxes immigrants pay minus the services
they use. The National Research Council (NRC) estimated in 1996 that immigrant
households (legal and illegal) create a net fiscal burden (taxes paid minus
services used) on all levels of government of between $11.4 billion and $20.2
billion annually. This negative fiscal impact is larger than the economic
benefit the NRC estimated from having immigrants in the labor market. Research
by the Heritage Foundation also shows that the average household headed by a
legal immigrant created $4,300 more in governmental costs than it paid in taxes
in 2010.
As I reported in congressional testimony presented on
March 17 of this year, Census Bureau data collected in 2014 show that 40
percent of immigrant households reported using one or more major welfare
programs, compared with 25 percent of native households. Even if one thinks
that immigration benefits all natives in the labor market, it is very possible
that the likely fiscal drain they create entirely eats up that benefit.
Davidson ends his article by arguing that we could absorb
as many as 11 million immigrants annually. That would mean 110 million
immigrants in a single decade! That’s far more than all the immigrants who have
arrived in all of American history. The fiscal impact and absorption capacity
of our public schools, health-care system, and infrastructure just doesn’t seem
to matter at all.
He states that the “State Department issues fewer than
half a million immigrant visas each year” to people living abroad, apparently
unaware that this represents less than half the annual number of people awarded
lawful permanent residence, or green cards. That’s because the rest of the
year’s green cards are issued to people who were admitted earlier with some
temporary, “non-immigrant” status. Total permanent legal immigration is already
about a million annually, twice what Davidson implies.
Davidson’s article is similar to one he authored for the
New York Times Magazine in 2013. One wonders why the editors of that publication
feel no need to take a more nuanced view of both the costs and the benefits of
immigration. Instead, they publish articles that read like press releases from
an open-borders group.
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