By Kevin D. Williamson
Tuesday, March 10, 2015
What, exactly, is the point of that great big hulking
building with the cast-iron faux Roman dome in Washington? Joe Biden worked
there for many years, and Barack Obama worked there for about five minutes, and
neither of them has figured it out.
“Biden Rebukes Senate Republicans over Letter to Iran,”
harrumphs the New York Times, Gomer Pyle and Forrest Gump apparently having
been otherwise occupied. Joe Biden is a national figure of fun, and it is
difficult to remember that Barack Obama’s campaign brought him into the fold
for his special brand of gravitas, which is, like the subtle notes of freshly
cut grass and charred orange rind emanating from a freshly decanted bottle of
fine wine, detectable only by the rarest breed of connoisseur and the most
common sort of bulls–t artist. Before becoming president, Barack Obama’s main foreign-policy
experience had been gazing wistfully at a Rand McNally desktop globe and trying
to figure out which spot on earth would place him the farthest from the Rev.
Jeremiah Wright. Joe Biden was added to the ticket purportedly to ease our
national mind about the question of whose hand was on The Button. People joke
that Biden’s real role in the Obama administration is acting as a human
insurance policy against assassination, and, if you think about the key
Democrat players of the Obama years — Biden, Hillary Rodham Clinton, Janet
Napolitano, Eric Holder — there does seem to be a walk-tall-among-the-dwarves
strategy in place.
Biden is tumescent with indignation because 47 senators
reminded the president — by reminding the Iranians with whom he is engaged in
nuclear negotiations — that the president does not have the authority to enter
into a binding, long-term international agreement based on nothing more than
his own juice. If he cuts a bad deal, Congress can reject it — something the
Atomic Ayatollahs ought to have in mind.
Naturally, the Left is in convulsions: President Obama
accused Republicans of making common cause with the hardline elements in an
infamous state sponsor of terrorism. The progressive pompom squad, who the day
before yesterday were beside themselves with horror at the thought that anybody
would question whether a political rival was a patriot, began screaming that
this is — their word — “treason.”
Which seems a bit much for giving Tehran a quick primer
on American civics — one that Barack Obama might benefit from as well.
Congress is invested by the Constitution with many of the
most important powers in foreign affairs: Only Congress can declare war. Only
the Senate can approve a treaty for ratification. Secretaries of state and ambassadors
are subject to Senate confirmation. (The Senate does not always take that as
seriously as it should: President Obama is in the habit of appointing his
financial benefactors, gentlemen with deep pockets and shallow minds, to
embassies.) An international agreement entered into without congressional
approval is only an executive order, subject to instant revision or being
vacated entirely.
Biden sees things differently. He chided Republicans and
advised them to keep in mind that “the vast majority of our international
commitments take effect without congressional approval.” And that, of course,
is the problem.
If you look up through the oculus in the Capitol dome,
you will see a hideous piece of 19th-century kitsch called “The Apotheosis of
Washington,” a fresco painted by Constantino Brumidi, whose work would be
better suited to a vulgar Donald Trump interior than to the legislative seat of
a republic. The message there is a pretty bad one: “Apotheosis” means
deification, the Capitol itself is modeled on a Roman temple (and was, in fact,
used as a house of worship for many years), and the word “capitol” itself
deriving from Roman site of the temple to Jupiter Optimus Maximus. The
apotheosis of Julius Caesar symbolically marks the end of the Roman republic
and the beginning of the Roman empire. The apotheosis of Washington, seated
upon a cloud and surrounded by gods and maidens, is a grotesque image in the
context of a constitutional republic — and an image that has turned out to be
tragically prescient, raising the president, godlike, above the mere mortals
below engaged in the bland and unheroic business of making laws and being
citizens instead of divinities.
Congress, being dominated for the moment by Republicans,
may finally have been roused to check the arrogations of this president,
individually. But the more important project is checking the arrogations of the
president, categorically — reining in the presidency as such. The vice
president is correct when he says that the “vast majority of our international
commitments take effect without congressional approval.” Worse, the vast
majority of our laws do, too: The law that most of us encounter is the
administrative law, the regulatory output of the executive branch. The model
for that is the so-called Affordable Care Act, essentially an enabling act
instructing the executive branch to create a health-care system to the
president’s liking. By 2013, there were 30 words of regulation for every one
word of law in the ACA, which itself is thousands of pages long. Congress
hasn’t bothered declaring a war since after Pearl Harbor, and its current
open-ended version of that — authorizations for the use of military force — are
so liberal as to amount to carte blanche. Not only in the matter of health
care, but on other critical domestic concerns, its instinct is to pass a dog’s
breakfast of a bill and empower the president and his minions to do with it
what they will.
It has often been observed that the presidency attracts
gasbags, and students of physics know that a gas — be it oxygen or hydrogen
cyanide — will expand to fill its container. Executive power is always and
everywhere — even in the most finely wrought constitutional systems —
opportunistic. Where Congress retreats, the presidency will encroach. When such
encroachments are allowed to stand long enough, they acquire a patina of
respectability.
We can have three equal branches of government, or we can
have a chaotic quasi-monarchy run on four-year intervals. If it takes a little
partisan self-interest to inspire Congress toward a degree of institutional
self-respect, so be it.
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