National Review Online
Monday, May 04, 2026
The sudden decision by Governor Janet Mills to drop out
of Maine’s Senate primary and effectively yield the Democratic nomination to
radical upstart Graham Platner shows the Democrats could be experiencing a
grassroots revolt of the sort that Republicans experienced in the Tea Party
era.
An activist, Marine veteran, and oyster farmer, Platner
was barely known when he launched his campaign last August, but he quickly
gained momentum and soon enough an advantage over Mills.
He garnered national attention when it was revealed that
he had a Nazi symbol tattooed on his chest. It wasn’t just any symbol — it was
a skull-and-crossbones image that was adopted by the branch of the Nazi SS that
served as concentration camp guards. In the years since the war, it has been
used by various neo-Nazi groups. Platner claimed the tattoo was an accident and
had it covered when called out on it during his campaign. But considering he
had the tattoo for nearly 20 years, it’s difficult to believe that he had never
before been aware of its origins.
Platner’s Nazi tattoo isn’t the only example of him
dabbling in antisemitism, which he has attempted to excuse as mere criticism of
the U.S. relationship with Israel, an alliance Platner has called “shameful.”
Platner promoted a social media post from the neo-Nazi Holocaust denier Stew
Peters, and he not only granted a lengthy interview to antisemitic conspiracy theorist Nate
Cornacchia but also claimed to be a longtime fan.
Democrats, who spent the Tea Party era claiming that
opposition to national health care and appeals to our founding constitutional
principles were coded racism, have made excuses for Platner. Former Obama
speechwriter and left-wing podcaster Jon Favreau claimed Platner was “a good,
decent man who’s struggled and grown and is always trying to do better.”
Senator Chris Van Hollen blamed Platner’s rancid posts on PTSD from his
military service, saying that “he went through a really rough period.” Yes,
somehow, there are millions of military veterans who have served our country
honorably without feeling compelled to stamp a symbol of Adolf Hitler’s
Schutzstaffel on their bodies.
Platner, who is now expected to go up in the general
against centrist Republican Senator Susan Collins, may be a sign of things to
come. Throughout the country, far-left candidates have been running in
Democratic primaries as change agents — a message that invariably comes with
hostility toward Jews and Israel. This was central to the victory of socialist
Mayor Zohran Mamdani in New York City and is something we are witnessing in the
Democratic Senate primary in Michigan, with the rise of Abdul El-Sayed.
Platner has radical positions on any number of other
issues besides Israel — including a wealth tax, single-payer health care,
packing the Supreme Court, and impeaching sitting justices. “We need to elect
people to the Senate who want to wield power like that, who understand that
power matters, that it’s real and you can use it,” he said.
During the Republican Tea Party era, which roughly lasted
from 2009 to 2015, insurgent candidates knocked off prominent
establishment-backed candidates in Republican primaries. Many political
analysts have tried to portray this as a reckless tantrum in which the party
threw away a lot of winnable races. But this analysis focuses on high-profile
mistakes, such as the nomination of Christine “I’m not a witch” O’Donnell in
Delaware. In reality, the movement was a net positive for Republicans. At their
pre–Tea Party levels, Democrats controlled 60 Senate seats and 258 House seats; by 2015,
Republicans had 54 seats in the Senate and 247 in the House. That represented
cumulative gains of 14 Senate seats and 70 in the House. Also, the party became
more ideologically conservative. Senator Mike Lee replaced the more moderate
Bob Bennett in Utah; the free-market Pat Toomey replaced liberal
Republican-turned-Democrat Arlen Specter; and Marco Rubio and Senator Ted Cruz
defeated the establishment picks, Charlie Crist and David Dewhurst,
respectively.
We are, of course, not comparing the likes of Platner or
El-Sayed to Cruz or Rubio. However, it’s a mistake to assume that by nominating
more ideological candidates over more conventional ones, Democrats are
necessarily throwing away Senate seats (Janet Mills, a 78-year-old with a poor
record as governor, wasn’t obviously a stronger general election candidate than
Platner). The reality is that wave elections, which Republicans could be facing
this year, often sweep in candidates once thought unelectable; sometimes such
candidates better channel an anti-incumbent mood than more generic figures.
The best recourse Republicans are going to have in a
tough year is waging a very negative campaign — secure in the knowledge that
there is a lot to be negative about.
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