By Kevin D. Williamson
Tuesday, March 10, 2026
Rosemary Kelanic, director of the Middle East program at
the think tank Defense Priorities, argues that the Trump administration is
repeating the errors of the Carter administration vis-à-vis Iran and the oil
market, writing in the New York Times:
China [...] recognized its
strategic vulnerability to oil shocks years ago and has been methodically
decreasing it—not with warships but with electric vehicles and high-speed
electric rail. … Over the long run, the United States needs to do what China is
already doing: invest in E.V.s.
That is not exactly right, beginning with the fact that
Chinese oil consumption is rising rather than declining. The Chinese economy is
in fact much more energy-intensive than the U.S. economy; it is less oil-intensive
not because of the relatively quick and broad deployment of EVs but because the
United States has a relatively large transportation sector and China has a
relatively large manufacturing sector—which is supported mainly by coal,
the fuel for the majority of Chinese electricity production. There’s some irony
in that: Environmentalists who admire Chinese EVs ought to appreciate that
these are manufactured in factories supported by one of the dirtiest coal-fired
electricity sectors on God’s green Earth.
In spite of the relative prominence of EVs, Chinese oil
consumption is increasing rather than decreasing, and is expected to
continue increasing for the immediate future. That is because there are many
things you can do with oil other than refine it into gasoline and diesel.
Chinese oil consumption is growing in no small part because China’s
petrochemical industry is growing; one way to think of EVs is as a way to free
up personal transportation’s demand pressure for oil stocks to support the
relatively high-value petrochemical sector. EV subsidies may be advertised as
climate policy, but effectively they also are petrochemical subsidies.
The surging Chinese petrochemical industry is, in fact, a
main source of current growth in global oil demand. At
nearly $1.8 trillion in annual revenue, China’s chemical industry is something like three times the size of its U.S. counterpart,
which is second place worldwide but with output a lot closer to third-place
Germany than to China. Chinese oil consumption is growing, oil supports
critical Chinese industries, and China is an oil importer. That does not seem
to me the profile of a country that is obviously better positioned than
the United States to absorb oil shocks.
There are some advocates who are, for whatever reason,
fixated on EVs and EV subsidies.
In the U.S. transportation sector there are, of course,
much bigger factors at play than EV subsidies—for example, patterns of
urban/suburban/exurban settlement. I would very much prefer to have access to
something like the rail systems enjoyed by travelers and commuters (and
shippers) in Switzerland or Germany or elsewhere in Europe and parts of Asia,
but it is not economically feasible to build an extensive network of such
systems in a country where most of the people live in places that look more like
Houston or Los Angeles than Geneva or Hong Kong. I do not love the fact that
postwar American cities were built for Buicks rather than for people, but that
is the fact, and there is no unbuilding them.
For this reason and others, EV subsidies in the United
States would likely have the most effect among urban-suburban commuters with
relatively short daily drives. That probably would not have the effect
of lowering U.S. oil consumption—it more likely simply would make gasoline
cheaper (cheaper than it would otherwise be) for exurban SUV and pickup drivers
and probably have a knock-on effect lowering diesel prices, which would
entrench (to the extent that further entrenchment even is possible) that fuel
in the long-haul trucking industry, the electrification of which would be a
much more complex challenge than using generous tax incentives to get rich
people to drive Teslas to Whole Foods.
There are excellent economic and environmental reasons to
welcome the development and deployment of EVs, just as there would be many
desirable outcomes associated with a cleaner and more usable mass-transit
(which is not necessarily the same thing as public transit) system in
the United States.
But in terms of geopolitical hedges, I’ll take the U.S.
oil and gas industry over the Chinese EV industry 10 times out of 10.
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