By Noah Rothman
Friday, January 09, 2026
The “ghost fleet” is not exactly a state secret. It has
long been known to the public and policymakers alike that Moscow uses an armada
of aging ships with shadowy maintenance records and an obscure chain of custody
to transit illicit goods all over the world — including weapons and energy
exports.
“Since Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, the shadow
fleet — which previously mostly transported goods to and from Iran and
Venezuela — has exploded in size,” the Atlantic Council observed in December 2024. In the Joe Biden era, “Western
governments’ efforts to reduce the shadow fleet through sanctions on individual
vessels have only been marginally effective.” In the first year of his second
term, the Trump administration observed a similarly lethargic approach to
interdicting these vessels and seizing their cargoes. No longer.
In the week following the raid on Caracas in which
Nicolás Maduro was captured and extradited to the United States, the Trump
administration has kicked its fight against Venezuela’s illicit oil shipments
into high gear. In the process, the Trump administration’s efforts have
humiliated and materially constrained the Kremlin. Given the administration’s
simultaneous efforts to throttle Russian oil revenue, we cannot say that
Moscow’s discomfort is an unintended consequence of the administration’s
campaign against the Chavista regime in Venezuela.
In a predawn raid on Friday morning, U.S. forces boarded
and commandeered a Venezuelan tanker that was “attempting to evade U.S.
forces,” according to Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem. It was only the fifth ship in the “ghost fleet” recently seized by U.S.
forces.
On Wednesday, the U.S. military pulled off an even more
daring raid, simultaneously boarding two ghost ships — one in the Caribbean and
another in the North Atlantic as it raced toward Russian waters. That last ship
had become the object of intelligence analysts’ fascination before the U.S.
Coast Guard captured it. U.S. assets had chased it for days, and it was
reportedly being escorted by a small fleet of Russian navy vessels, including a
submarine.
That Russian military presence was surely designed to
deter U.S. action. It didn’t. Indeed, even the presence of Russian nationals on
board the ship failed to dissuade American military planners. Those Russian nationals were detained and swiftly deported back
to the motherland.
The American campaign aimed at hobbling the clandestine
transit of illicit materials between sanctioned anti-Western powers is
ostensibly aimed at Venezuela, but it’s Russia that is hardest hit. And that is
no accident.
On Thursday, the government of Iraq approved a plan to
nationalize a Russian-owned oilfield as Baghdad seeks to avoid being
caught up in sanctions targeting Moscow’s petroleum exports. Lukoil, the
Russian firm that controls the West Qurna 2 oilfield, had until January 17 to
avoid U.S. Treasury-imposed penalties on Russia’s overseas assets, but the
Kremlin’s lethargic behavior as the deadline approached convinced Baghdad to
move first. “Production remains steady at around 465,000 to 480,000 barrels per
day,” said one Iraqi official of the field’s output — a number
that indicates West Qurna 2 contributed to about 5 percent of Russia’s total
crude production. That’s hardly insignificant.
And all of this occurs against the backdrop of Donald
Trump’s declining patience with Moscow. To hear Senator Lindsey Graham tell it,
this time, Trump’s change of heart is sincere.
“After a very productive meeting today with President
Trump on a variety of issues, he greenlit the bipartisan Russia sanctions bill
that I have been working on for months with Senator [Richard] Blumenthal and
many others,” the South Carolina senator revealed Wednesday. A White House
official subsequently confirmed that the president now supports legislation
imposing even deeper sanctions on Moscow and, most importantly, the countries
that ignore Western sanctions and purchase Russian oil anyway.
If passed, the bill would oblige the U.S. to impose a 500
percent duty on all goods imported from any country that continues to purchase
Russian oil, petroleum products, or uranium. The so-called “secondary
sanctions” bill “would give President Trump tremendous leverage against
countries like China, India, and Brazil to incentivize them to stop buying the
cheap Russian oil that provides the financing for Putin’s bloodbath against
Ukraine,” Graham continued. He said that, with Trump’s support for
the bill established, the GOP-led Congress could vote to pass the legislation
as early as next week.
According to the Financial Times, the Kremlin is fit to be tied over
Washington’s assault on its multi-billion-dollar, decades-long investment in
the Chavez regime led by Maduro and the development of its energy sector. But,
owing to Vladimir Putin’s desire to keep Trump on side amid the Kremlin’s
effort to conquer Ukraine, Putin has kept his powder dry.
That is not to say that Russia hasn’t made its anxieties
known. For only the second time in Russia’s war in Ukraine on Thursday, Moscow
deployed the hypersonic Oreshnik missile armed with multiple-independent
reentry vehicles — each of which is designed to carry a nuclear warhead but was
armed instead with a conventional payload — against Ukrainian targets. This
time, the missile struck targets in the Ukrainian city of Lviv, just on the
other side of NATO-aligned Poland’s border with Ukraine.
The move is designed to communicate the Kremlin’s
displeasure to the West, but it’s just the latest episode of Russian nuclear
saber-rattling. Putin hopes it will get our attention. What is certain, though,
is that we have his.
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