By Jonah
Goldberg
Wednesday,
May 31, 2023
A lot of
conservatives are very excited about “Bud Lighting”—a freshly minted term for boycotting
companies that cater to various “woke” causes, particularly transgender
issues.
The term
derives from the spectacular implosion of Bud Light in the wake of their
decision in March to enlist transgender social media influencer Dylan Mulvaney
to promote the brand. Bud Light’s sales have plummeted, averaging weekly declines of about
25 percent. Parent company Anheuser-Busch InBev has lost more
than $15 billion in value. Sales of rival brands have soared, even as many
retailers have slashed prices for Bud Light. Some stores are even giving Bud
Light away for free—or trying to.
I am
very skeptical that the Bud Light example can be replicated over the long haul,
but I’m convinced that we are entering a new era of Bud Lighting on the right
and left.
First,
some background. The most remarkable thing about the Bud Light boycott is that
it worked, because boycotts usually don’t—if your definition of success is
actually affecting sales and stock price in a significant way. PETA’s been
boycotting KFC for 20 years to little or no effect. KFC’s biggest
challenge hasn’t been from boycotters, but from rivals like Chick-fil-A, which
has been going gangbusters despite facing plenty of
boycotts of its own.
Why are
there boycotts if they don’t work? Because the definition has changed. The
goal is rarely to affect the bottom line but to hurt the reputation of the
company and create headaches for management.
But even
that is secondary. Most boycotts are what historian Daniel Boorstin called
“pseudo-events,” also known as media events, which are, in Boorstin’s
words, “produced by a communicator with the sole purpose of generating
media attention and publicity.” A successful boycott is one that raises awareness
or donations for the organizers. As Northwestern University professor Brayden
King told the website Tasting Table, “The no. 1 predictor of what makes a
boycott effective is how much media attention it creates, not how many people
sign onto a petition or how many consumers it mobilizes.”
In other
words, boycotts work for the boycotters even if they don’t work against their
targets. Activist groups, on the left and right, have known this for years. The
media attention provides fundraisers some evidence to donors that the group is
doing something tangible.
My
skepticism that the Bud Light example can be replicated stems from the particulars
of the product and its market. Generic, cheap, low-calorie beer is a commodity
easily replaced by competitors. What Bud Light sells is the brand. Whether you
care about trans issues or not, if you’re even moderately concerned about
getting grief from friends at a party, all you need to do is buy essentially
the same product that’s social-statement free and available right next to
Bud Light at the store.
Moreover,
unlike many other products, you display the brand when you consume it, it’s a
visible choice. If you bought your shirt at Target, a recent target of Bud
Lighting for selling trans-friendly products, no one will be able to tell at the
tailgate party. Replacing a Target shirt involves a lot more hassle and cost
than replacing Bud Light.
Still, I
think we’re going to see a lot more of this. In the short term, the Bud Light
example is too exciting for “anti-woke” crusaders who have become rabidly
anti-corporate. Once you develop a taste for scalps, only more scalps can
satisfy. More broadly, the rise of the attention economy makes the incentives for these
pseudo-events too attractive to ignore.
Besides,
in a culture where everything is politicized, Bud Lighting is here to stay
because boycotting has become a kind of reverse Veblen good. In economics,
Veblen goods are things you buy not for their intrinsic worth but to display
how much disposable income you have. A Marxist might call that “vice signaling.”
Bud Lighting is a way to telegraph to the world the kind of person you are by
what you won’t spend money on.
The
lesson for corporations should be to become more conservative, not
ideologically but fiduciarily. Although I don’t like some of the excesses
already on display in the era of Bud Lighting, if it results in corporations
retreating from politics in favor of their core mission—shareholder
value—America will be better for it.
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