By Jonah Goldberg
Wednesday, November 29, 2017
The ongoing cascade of sexual-harassment violations is
fascinating for all sorts of reasons. But one thing has been nagging at me for
a while and Patrick Ruffini put his finger on it this morning:
Why did this cascade start with
Weinstein and not Roger Ailes? Was it because the Fox scandals were mostly
about discrediting Fox?
— Patrick Ruffini (@PatrickRuffini)
November 29, 2017
When the allegations about Bill O’Reilly and Roger Ailes
came out, the mainstream media had a field day. But there was no larger feeding
frenzy. Last year it was a “Fox News” story, not a “societal problem” story. It
took the Harvey Weinstein allegations to get the mainstream press to start
asking uncomfortable questions about its own institutions. I can think of
several reasons for this, but one that stands out is the tribalism of media
itself.
The Fox stories confirmed, to one extent or another, what
a lot of mainstream liberals think about Fox or about conservatives generally: They’re retrograde. They’re bad. That’s
the kind of thing that goes on over there.
It’s related to what some reporters I know at Fox call
the “Fox News effect” (not to be confused with some blather from David Brock
using the same term). If Fox goes hard at an important story, a lot of other
outlets will reflexively go soft on it. I’m sure the folks at the Media
Research Center can produce the total minutes Fox dedicated to Fast and
Furious, Benghazi, Lois Lerner’s IRS, the VA, etc., compared with the other
cable news networks or the broadcast newscasts. This isn’t to say that Fox
doesn’t occasionally over-cover or under-cover some stories too. There’s no
scientific formula for how much airtime or resources any particular story
should get, and from the outset Fox has prided itself on not reflexively
following the lead of the New York Times
on every news event.
But it just seems obvious to me — and many other people
in and out of Fox World — that there’s a kind of seesaw dynamic. If Fox puts a
lot of weight on a story, other outlets go the opposite direction. That’s why
so many conservative pundits played the “If this was Bush” game during the
Obama presidency.
But back to the sexual-harassment thing. One of my
longstanding gripes is how when conservatives do something bad, it’s proof of
the inherent badness of conservatives and conservatism. But when liberals do
something bad, it is immediately turned into an indictment of America itself.
Joe McCarthy’s excesses were a window into the nature of conservatism,
according to historians, intellectuals, and journalists. But when liberals —
Attorney General Palmer, Woodrow Wilson, et al. — did far worse, the villain
was America itself. When conservatives are racist, it is because they are
conservatives. When liberals are racist it is because racism is an “American
sin.” In other words, liberalism is never wrong. I could go on at length about
this.
Similarly, the sexual-harassment story is now being
covered — largely correctly by my lights — as an American story, not a story
about liberals. Again, that’s fine. But three points come to mind.
First, is it crazy to think that there’s a problem
specific to liberalism at work here? I mean this all started with Harvey
Weinstein, and he first thought he could survive the scandal by promising to go
after the NRA. Where did he get that idea? Maybe because he had good reason to
think it would work?
Perhaps there are a lot of liberal men who think they can
buy indulgences by toeing the party line on equal pay and Title IX, and
emptying their bladders over things like Mitt Romney’s “binders full of women.”
To be fair, in recent weeks, quite a few liberals have been coming to grips
with the fact that Bill Clinton survived the exposure of his predations
precisely because he bought such indulgences. It’s worth remembering that he
even admitted that sexual misbehavior should take a backseat to winning when he
chastised Donna Shalala, his HHS secretary, for criticizing his behavior — at a
cabinet meeting set up to let Clinton apologize
for his behavior:
The participants said Shalala
rejected what she took as Clinton’s implication that policies and programs were
more important than whether he provided moral leadership.
“And then she said something like,
‘I can’t believe that is what you’re telling us, that is what you believe, that
you don’t have an obligation to provide moral leadership,’” one participant
recalled.
“She said something like ‘I don’t care
about the lying, but I’m appalled at the behavior.’ And frankly, he [Clinton]
whacked her, let her have it,” this source said. The president told Shalala
that if her logic had prevailed in 1960, Richard M. Nixon would have been
elected president instead of John F. Kennedy, the source said. After that, no
other Cabinet member had anything critical to say, the participant added.
The second point is the reverse. The stories of sexual
harassment at Fox were entirely newsworthy and legitimate on the merits. But
not because Fox is “right wing.” Yet it seems fairly obvious to me that the
press enjoyed the Ailes and O’Reilly stories precisely because they involved toppling someone else’s icons. Where there
was barely constrained glee in the voices of many pundits and reporters when it
came to exposing the sins of Ailes and O’Reilly, there’s equally obvious
remorse when it comes to Matt Lauer, Mark Halperin, NPR’s David Sweeney, and,
obviously, Bill Clinton. It speaks well of the media that it’s reporting these things
anyway. But it would be a good thing for the press to meditate on what that
remorse (and glee) says about its own tribalism.
Last, it’s simply worth pointing out that many
conservatives have now embraced the Clinton position. Substitute John F. Kennedy
for Donald Trump and you have precisely the argument that Clinton made to Donna
Shalala, only now many conservatives are making it. Likewise, with Roy Moore.
Winning is more important than literally anything Roy Moore has said or has
allegedly done. It seems that, just like sexual harassment, no party has a
monopoly on cynical expediency. The problem lies not in ideology but in human
nature.
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