By Kevin D. Williamson
Friday, March 31, 2017
If you want to pinpoint the precise moment when Donald
Trump started selling out conservatives, there is a good case to be made for
November 20, 2016, at 8:05 a.m.
That is the moment when Trump began his embarrassing if
short-lived public campaign of sucking up to Chuck Schumer, and, by extension,
to the Democratic/media consortium he represents. When Democrats made it
official that Schumer would take over for Harry Reid — a miserable specimen who
might well have vied for the title “most dishonest person in American politics”
in a world that contains both Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton — Trump
slobbered all over him with praise: “I have always had a good relationship with
Chuck Schumer,” he tweeted. (We should not dwell too long on what to call a
“relationship” in which one party gives the other party large sums of money on
a regular schedule.) Schumer, he said, “is far smarter than Harry” Reid, a man
who “has the ability to get things done.”
Schumer — and this must have shocked Trump — did not
permit himself to be seduced by a single fulsome tweet. And so Trump more or
less reverted to form.
Schumer eventually answered Trump’s overture a few months
later in Schumerian fashion: As Trump’s long-promised repeal of the Affordable
Care Act went down in whimpers, Schumer kicked him when he was down, declaring
that Trump had “proved to be incompetent” and that his record was likely to
amount to little more than “incompetence and broken promises.”
A man who “has the ability to get things done”? He didn’t
have to do anything at all — except gloat.
Trump is a man who is constitutionally incapable of taking
responsibility for his own defects and errors, and as such requires an enemy.
The one he has chosen isn’t Schumer — it is congressional conservatives, the
Republican true-believers who make up the grandiosely named “Freedom Caucus.”
One of the arguments for Trump — the argument heard most
often on talk radio and on the dopier of the cable-news programs — was this:
Even where Republicans enjoy theoretical political superiority in Washington,
they do not get very much done, because the Establishment, which is made up of
moderates who are too eager to compromise with Democrats, subverts the actual
conservatives in the Republican caucus. This was, we were told, the great sin
of John Boehner and of Paul Ryan — but with a fire-breathing, earth-shaking
President Trump on the case, Republicans would rediscover their spines and
arise to victory and splendor.
What is falling into place in Washington right now is
something close to the opposite of that.
On the matter of health care, Republicans led by Paul
Ryan produced a limp proposal that left the main architecture of the Affordable
Care Act in place, offering a few improvements (and a few bad ideas that would
have made it a good deal worse) with the promise that this was only the opening
salvo in a future shock-and-awe campaign against Obamacare. Conservatives
didn’t buy it. Like Rudy Giuliani, Obamacare is what it is, even if it is in
drag.
Trump, who has staked so much of his reputation on being
a great negotiator, was humiliated.
Trump said he’d move fast in office, and boy has he: He
has gone from triumphalism to midterm funk to the inevitable temptation to
“grow in office,” all by April.
Now comes the reaching out to Democrats, not only
abandoning congressional conservatives but promising to “fight” them,
retreating into his little cabal of decidedly unconservative family advisers
(Ivanka Trump, who the day before yesterday swore she’d never have a formal
role in her father’s administration, is setting up shop in the West Wing and
soon will be a federal employee), and talking up Democratic priorities such as
raising taxes on financial firms.
Which is to say, Trump is teeing up the same shot that
his most enthusiastic supporters associate with the hated Establishment: Lining
up Republican moderates and Democrats in a bipartisan coalition against
conservatives.
Conservatives should not be under any illusions about
President Trump’s orientation at this moment. After the health-care debacle, he
is proceeding as though he believes that conservatives are his enemies, and he
is ready to recruit Democrats, who will bring their policies with them, into
that fight. Trump being Trump, nobody knows where he’ll be politically the day
after tomorrow, but from one point of view it makes no sense to worry about
Trump’s selling out conservatives: He was never a conservative to begin with,
and it is impossible to betray principles that one does not in fact hold.
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