By Jonah Goldberg
Saturday, April 15, 2017
Since I literally just finished my column for today, also
written in the past, I suppose I should start with what’s on my mind.
In the wake of Trump’s dizzying array of reversals on
various policy stances, I wrote about how the phrase “Let Reagan be Reagan” has
essentially the opposite meaning of “Let Trump be Trump.” I conclude (Spoiler
alert):
When conservatives said “Let Reagan
be Reagan,” they were referring to a core philosophy that Reagan had developed
over decades of study and political combat. When people said “Let Trump be
Trump,” they meant let Trump’s id run free. The former was about staying true
to an ideology, the latter about giving free rein to a glandular style that
refused to be locked into a doctrine or even notions of consistency.
That’s why saying “Let Trump be
Trump” is almost literally the opposite of saying “Let Reagan be Reagan.”
I was inspired by a conversation I had with Ramesh about
this excellent column, which deals with the same topic.
“In 2016,” Ramesh begins, “we found out that conservative
elites didn’t speak for Republican voters.” The think-tank crowd wanted
entitlement reform and likes free trade. The rank and file, not so much.
Trump’s elite supporters in talk radio, TV news, and
elsewhere convinced themselves that just because the “people” rejected one
coherent ideological program that meant they embraced another coherent
ideological program called “Trumpism,” “America First,” or “nationalism.”
Ramesh writes:
Intellectuals, whether they are for
or against Trump, want to construct an “ism” into which they can fit his
politics: an “ism” that includes opposition to free trade, mass immigration,
foreign interventions that aren’t necessitated by attacks on us, and
entitlement reform. But Trumpism doesn’t exist. The president has tendencies
and impulses, some of which conflict with one another, rather than a political
philosophy.
But here’s the key point — “the people” don’t have a
coherent “ism” either. This is especially true on foreign policy. Again,
Ramesh:
An adviser to President George W.
Bush once remarked to me that a lot of people thought Republicans backed Bush
because of the Iraq war, when in reality Republicans backed the Iraq war
because of Bush. In the absence of detailed and deep convictions on a
foreign-policy issue, voters will side with the politicians whose side they
usually take.
Trump’s strike on Syria was breathtakingly hypocritical.
It was also the right thing to do (I think). But the relevant point is that it was popular.
Suddenly, true believers in a Trumpism-that-doesn’t-exist
are in a similar predicament many of us were in during the election. They’re
condemning Trump for breaking their (hastily minted) orthodoxy of True
Trumpism. More vexing, they’re discovering that Trump’s popularity isn’t all
that connected to his program. This is partly because of his cult of personality
and partly because a lot of people are simply invested in his presidencyfor a
slew of patriotic, partisan, and personal reasons.
The Oxygen-Sucking
Stupidity of Trump Derangement Syndrome
I should also say that the persistence of liberal Trump
Derangement Syndrome is a big part of the defend-Trump-no-matter-what dynamic.
Because the mainstream media and the Democrats are so unhinged in their
criticisms of Trump, they give no room for thoughtful criticism. Lots
of normal Trump voters are frustrated with his presidency so far. But the
partisan inanity of Trump’s left-wing critics makes it difficult not to run to
his defense.
Take, for example, Sean Spicer’s “Not even Hitler” gaffe.
I made fun of the guy, because the statement was so painfully dumb. (I like to
imagine a homunculus Spicer in the control room in his head completely freaking
out as he loses control of Spicer’s speech center. “I’ve got no brakes! I got
no brakes!!”) But liberals had to take it straight to eleven, by calling Spicer
a Holocaust denier and an anti-Semite. C’mon. Some even claimed the statement
was a deliberate attempt to signal . . . something.
This reminds me of one of my biggest gripes about Bush
Derangement Syndrome. His critics would simultaneously argue that Bush was a
blithering idiot, but also an evil
mastermind who orchestrated all manner of devilishly clever conspiracies. Pick
one. You can’t say Sean Spicer is a buffoon, but that he’s also a brilliantly
cynical dog-whistler who went in to the pressroom with a plan to throw
rhetorical bones to the alt-right.
The Dilemma
Anyway, where was I? Oh, right, I’m not saying Trump
could have gotten away with nominating a liberal to the Supreme Court or that
if he came out overnight as a pro-choicer that the base would have gone with
him. But Trump fulfilled his core mandate the day he was sworn-in: He promised
not to be Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama. He could have hung a “Mission
Accomplished” banner over the inaugural balcony.
The conservative ideologues and intellectuals on both
sides of the Trump question face the very same dilemma. Trump is no more bound
to the fantasy of True Trumpism than he is to Goldwaterite conservatism. He’s a
free agent who literally brags about the fact that he’s comfortable making it
up as he goes.
In the first G-File after the election, I predicted: “If
Trump is going to be a successful president — and I hope he is one — he will
have to start disappointing his biggest fans.” In the case of Coulter & Co.
I was right. But for a lot of his rank-and-file supporters, it’s more
complicated. They’re invested in Trump first and Trumpism second, if at all.
Or, they simply define Trumpism as whatever makes Trump look like a winner. The
danger, as I’ve been writing for two years now, is that Trump could end up
redefining conservatism, not necessarily as some version of Buchanan-Bannon
nationalism (though that was always a concern), but as “whatever Trump does.”
The first empirical data is already coming in.
Rank-and-file Republicans tend to think that conservatism is correlated to
support for Trump. But the anecdotal data has been all over the place for years
now. For instance, when it was announced Wednesday that Bret Stephens was
leaving the Wall Street Journal for
the New York Times, Twitter lit up
with people saying, in effect, “good riddance, you liberal.” Of course, this
assessment wasn’t based on anything other than the fact that Stephens — a
fairly solid conservative — is one of the most ardent critics of Donald Trump.
Trump isn’t an ideological or philosophical conservative.
He has no ideology or philosophy,
rightly understood. This was obvious from the beginning and, contra Mike Allen, some of us saw it
from day one. That doesn’t mean he can’t be a good president or have a
politically successful presidency. But it will be difficult for an array of
reasons both psychological and political. There’s lots of talk in Washington
about how to fix the White House staff in order to properly constrain, channel,
or direct Trump to victory. Good luck with that. I have zero confidence that
Trump will reliably and consistently trade opportunities for political success
— “wins” — for conservative victories over time. I also never bought that he
was a particularly good manager. His presidency so far gives me no reason to
rethink that.
I do have hope though.
And that hope rests, as I said last week, on
conservatives restricting his range of possible political options solely to
conservative policies. The last best hope for a successful Trump presidency
rests not in Trump’s alleged brilliance and gift for “winning” and “deals” but
in conservatives in Congress defining what counts as a win in the realm of the
possible and then nudging, coaxing, flattering, or tricking him in that
direction.
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