By Kevin D. Williamson
Wednesday, April 19, 2017
Donald J. Trump is nothing if not a consummate
entertainer, and the character he plays on television — “Donald J. Trump” — has
appeared in all manner of entertainment: the game show he hosted for many
years, pornographic films, the 2016 presidential campaign. Now he is taking on
a strange new role: that of Debbie Wasserman Schultz.
Trump, who is surrounded by people who fancy themselves
“nationalists” (in the cause of what nation, it is not entirely clear), is
wading deep into an ancient puddle of stupidity most recently explored by
Barack Obama (remember his “nationalist” moment, which lasted for about a month
in 2011?) and Debbie Wasserman Schultz, the woman who (accidentally) did more
than anyone other than Kellyanne Conway and Hillary Rodham Clinton to put Trump
in the White House. To call it “economic nationalism” would be too grand: It is
merely a very narrow form of special-interest politics consisting of backdoor
handouts to favored corporate interests.
Trump has signed an executive order organized around two
themes: “Buy American” and “Hire American.” In sum, the executive order is
intended to provide incentives for American businessmen to . . . not act too
much like the guy who built Trump Tower with illegal-immigrant labor and who
relies on the H-2B visa program to keep Mar-a-Lago stocked with dishwashers and
housekeepers. That guy, if we are to take Trump’s rhetoric seriously, is kind
of a jerk, one who doesn’t care about the country at all.
The “Buy American” order is, in Trump style, pretty
vague, with a lot that will need to be filled in later by people who know what
the hell they’re talking about. (Fortunately, he does have a few of those
around.) It makes minor administrative changes to existing “Buy American”
federal procurement rules, which date back to the “Buy American Act” passed in
1933, a year not renowned for the excellence of its political and economic
ideas. Bad call, Herbert Hoover.
The Buy American Act essentially requires that the
federal government go to U.S.-based providers both for raw materials such as
steel and concrete and for finished goods such as computers and automobiles.
Because this is incredibly stupid and fundamentally unworkable, there are
waivers: Washington loves a waiver — see the Affordable Care Act. Writing an
unreasonable law and including discretionary waivers puts a great deal of power
in the hands of politicians, many of whom turn out to be interested in such
things as money and power, which introducing a large element of uncertainty and
outright capriciousness into the procurement process.
The current waiver options are pretty broad: The Buy
American rules can be waived if the desired goods are not available in the United
States or if U.S. providers produce goods of insufficient quality; if the cost
of U.S. goods is “unreasonable”; if waiving the rules serves “the public
interest.” In practice, that means if you have the right friends and make the
right donations, the Buy American rules may be used to steer contracts your
way. If you don’t, they won’t.
This is how you get perfectly legal corruption.
Another set of relevant rules, dating from 1979, permit
the Buy American rules to be waived in favor of companies based in countries
that waive their own procurement preferences, if they have them. That gets
complicated for Trump, because it includes not only our NAFTA trading partners
but all the signatories to the World Trade Organization’s accord on government
procurement, a list that includes the European Union, China, Japan, the
Republic of Korea, New Zealand, Singapore, Switzerland, Norway, Israel, Canada,
and the mighty nation of Liechtenstein, the free-trading capitalistic
powerhouse so open to outsourcing that it uses another country’s currency (Go,
CHF!) and yet, in spite of leaving itself open to exploitation by wily foreign
neo-mercantilists, manages to have the highest personal incomes in all of
Europe.
The U.S. Department of Defense, which cares a great deal
about having the best stuff, has more than 20 reciprocal procurements of its
own. There are further agreements on things like trade in civil aircraft, which
means that even Macau gets a nose in under the free-trade tent. (This 2005 GAO report is a
pretty good explainer.) That’s a lot of paper, much of which cannot simply be
set aside with an executive order.
Trump’s order contains some truly risible feel-good
provisions, e.g. moving the sign-off requirements up the chain of command in
the agencies and requiring cabinet officers to think good and hard about
whether companies are based in countries that have trade practices that Donald
J. Trump might consider unfair.
Don’t expect that to have much impact. It’s just another
exciting distraction: chum for chumps.
No serious person in Washington takes this Buy American
stuff seriously as anything other than what it is: a shakedown. But Washington
is not populated exclusively by serious people.
Which brings us to Debbie Wasserman Schultz.
A pig can sniff out a truffle from a mile away, and
Schultz can root out a wheedle, no matter how low or dishonorable, in
practically any situation. In the wake of the 2008–09 financial crisis,
corporate welfare had a big moment, thanks in no small part to Barack Obama, who
was willing to throw out the rulebook (and the bankruptcy code) in order to
make sure that the GM bailout functioned as a bailout for Michigan Democrats,
the most important chapter of which is called the United Auto Workers union.
Republicans, who sometimes remember that they are the party of free enterprise,
opposed this: GM’s feckless management and its corrupt and useless union bosses
were fit for each other, Republicans reasoned, so let ’em hang together.
Schultz suddenly discovered economic nationalism. If it were up to the
Republicans, she said, “we would be driving foreign cars.”
At the time, she drove an Infiniti FX35, a $50,000 SUV
that isn’t made in Detroit.
Schultz went on to say that Republicans who opposed
bailing out Democratic interest groups rejected “American exceptionalism,” a
favorite conservative idea at the moment.
Economic nationalism and — a plainly fascist term —
“economic patriotism” were all the rage in the Obama years. Ted Strickland —
the former Ohio governor who upon leaving office was laid so low as to go to
work for the Center for American Progress — gave a speech in which he indicted
Mitt Romney’s deficit of “economic patriotism.” (Being all class, he later told
a laughing and cheering crowd that the death of Antonin Scalia “happened at a
good time.”) Barack Obama, complaining that George W. Bush’s economic policies
were lining Chinese pockets, denounced him as “unpatriotic.”
Trump told the crowd in Wisconsin that his order will
“protect workers and students like you. It’s America First — you better believe
it!” Of course, that’s what Obama said when he was stirring the same mess for
the same reason. That’s what Debbie Wasserman Schultz says when she wants a
handout for her friends in Michigan. That’s what Ted Strickland used to say
back when people listened to things said by Ted Strickland. People have been
saying the same dumb things back to 1933 and the original Buy American Act. It
was said for decades before, going back to the debate over the Corn Laws in
England.
But it wasn’t protection from Big Daddy that made the
United States the most powerful country in the world and the one with the most
dynamic economy in human history. It was innovation, work, and investment, none
of which can be managed on a fly-by-wire basis from the White House or from
Mar-a-Lago, no matter how excellent the professional performance of all the
nefarious foreigners employed there.
No comments:
Post a Comment