By George Will
Saturday, April 22, 2017
In his first annual message to Congress, John Quincy
Adams, among the most experienced and intellectually formidable presidents,
warned leaders against giving the impression that “we are palsied by the will
of our constituents.” In this regard, if in no other, the 45th president
resembles the sixth.
Donald Trump’s “Oh, never mind” presidency was produced
by voters stung by the contempt they detected directed toward them by the upper
crust. Their insurrection has been rewarded by Trump’s swift shedding of
campaign commitments, a repudiation so comprehensive and cavalier that he
disdains disguising his disdain for his gulled supporters.
The notion that NATO is obsolete? That China is a
currency manipulator? That he would eschew humanitarian interventions featuring
high explosives? That the Export-Import Bank is mischievous? That Obamacare
would be gone “on Day One”? That 11.5 million illegal immigrants would be gone
in two years (almost 480,000 a month)? That the national debt would be gone in
eight years (reducing about $2.4 trillion a year)? About these and other vows
from the man whose supporters said “he tells it like it is,” he now tells them:
Never mind.
The president, whose almost Sicilian sense of clan
imparts new meaning to the familiar phrase “family values,” embraces daughter
Ivanka’s belief that America suffers from an insufficiency of entitlements, a
defect she (and he, judging from his address to a joint session of Congress)
would rectify with paid family leave. Her brother Eric has said (to Britain’s Daily Telegraph) that he is “sure” that
59 cruise missiles flew because Ivanka said to her father about Syria using
chemical weapons, “Listen, this is horrible stuff.”
Although a senior Trump adviser, Stephen Miller, has
stipulated that presidential powers to protect the nation “will not be
questioned,” still they persist, those impertinent questioners. They do because
when candidate Trump’s open-mic-night-at-the-improv rhetoric of quarter-baked
promises and vows is carried over into the presidency and foreign policy, there
are consequences, especially when his imprecision infects his subordinates.
One cannot erase with an “Oh, never mind” shrug Secretary
of State Rex Tillerson’s statement that the “message” foreign leaders should
take from the Syrian attack is “if you violate international norms, if you
violate international agreements, if you fail to live up to commitments, if you
become a threat to others, at some point a response is likely to be
undertaken.” It is not true that the United States will respond, other than
rhetorically, to all crossings of those four red lines. If, as Tillerson says,
America is committed to “holding to account any and all who commit crimes
against the innocents anywhere in the world,” America is going to need a much
bigger military than even the president’s proposed $54 billion increase in
defense spending would purchase.
If the attack on Syria was intended to buttress an
international norm and enforce an international agreement concerning chemical
weapons, it was not clarifying for press secretary Sean Spicer to say that you
will see a presidential “response” if someone uses chemical weapons or “a
barrel bomb.” This is a nasty but conventional munition that turns scrap metal
into shrapnel.
In foreign policy, the nature of an action is a function
of what the actor says about it. So, the attack on Syria was either cathartic —
a one-off spasm of (understandable) indignation — or it was a “message” of
unclear content to unspecified addressees.
Perhaps the message was that America is not (in Richard
Nixon’s words explaining the 1970 invasion of Cambodia) “a pitiful, helpless
giant,” or that (in Ronald Reagan’s 1984 words) “America is back, standing
tall.” Eliot Cohen, former counselor of the State Department (2007–2009) and
currently a professor at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies,
says that the strike “was the right thing to do” and “a firm response to a
loathsome crime.” But he also says:
Having tipped off the Russians, and
targeting things rather than people, it did not do much damage to anything the
Bashar Assad regime cares about. . . . An effective, destructive attack — that
is, one that would worry the Assad regime — would have killed skilled
personnel, military and political leaders, and elite fighters. . . . Blowing up
some installations is not, in fact, “proportionate” to the massacre of
children.
Messages are important, whether delivered by words or
missiles or words about missiles. Trump’s retreat from positions that enchanted
his supporters is a matter mostly between him and them. How he addresses the
world, however, will reveal whether he has gone from candidate to commander in
chief without becoming presidential.
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