By Rich
Lowry
Tuesday,
November 15, 2022
Donald Trump is
in his weakest political state since 2015 or early 2016.
During
his presidency, when he was at the center of countless intense controversies,
he didn’t blink once. He never showed fear or desperation. Both are clearly at
work now in his gratuitous attacks on Governors Ron DeSantis of
Florida and Glenn Youngkin of Virginia, neither of whom has done anything
to him, besides presenting a viable alternative to his continued dominance of
the GOP.
Any
Trump political obituaries are premature, though, until a verdict has been
reached by the force that has buoyed him and lent him his overwhelming power in
GOP politics — Republican voters.
The idea
that the “party decides” — that a party’s elites guide voters to their
preferred presidential candidate — got blown to smithereens in 2016. Trump had
almost no institutional support and won anyway.
Since
then, the party has neutered itself and, in many states, been affirmatively
taken over by pro-Trump forces.
After
the experience of the Access Hollywood tape and January 6,
Republican officials have internalized the lesson that getting too far out in
front of voters in expressing anti-Trump sentiment — indeed getting an inch in
front of them — is potentially fatal.
Politics
is always a realm of artifice and whispered conversations, but the Trump era
has taken it to another level in the GOP. Many of the elected officials who are
Trump’s biggest public boosters have a dim view of him in private. People
serving at the highest levels of his administration — not deep-state
operatives, but his own political appointees — would make clear their
discomfort with him in private. Even the most pro-Trump voices in the media
often don’t share their true feelings about him.
If the
window has opened a crack to Trump criticism among Republican officialdom, it’s
still quite muted. Everyone considers it much safer to train their public fire
on prospective speaker Kevin McCarthy or minority leader Mitch McConnell.
It’s
important to remember, by the way, that some of the worst candidate choices in
the midterms were freely made by GOP primary electorates under the
influence of the former president. There’s been a lot of criticism of
Democrats’ spending on weak MAGA candidates in the primaries. But these
candidates never would have gotten nominated in the first place if Republican
voters hadn’t happily supported them, despite their flaws and despite
Democrats’ desperately wanting to run against them.
One
hopes that the lesson has finally been learned that Trump — no matter how much
Republicans admire his combativeness, appreciate his entertainment value, and
detest his enemies — is not a sound electoral guide, to put it mildly.
Trump
didn’t win a majority in either of his presidential elections, even the one he
won; he was never anywhere close to 50 percent in the RealClearPolitics polling
averages in either of his races; and his average job-approval rating during his
presidency never approached 50 percent, either.
Trump
won in 2016 courtesy of Hillary Clinton, the Electoral College, and a dollop of
luck. At the end of the day, he’s a plurality, not a majority, candidate. And
he’s drawn to other plurality candidates, who, lacking the advantage of running
in races with an Electoral College or against Hillary Clinton, tend to lose.
Winning with 46.1 percent worked for Trump in 2016, but it’s a formula for
failure for everyone else.
There
are early signs that voters have taken on board the contrast between Trump, who
was embarrassed on Election Night and has been attacking other Republicans in
crude terms, and Ron DeSantis, who won a crushing reelection victory and hasn’t
felt it necessary to throw out wild charges or insult other party leaders to
try to deflect blame from himself.
The
polls are very early but telling. A YouGov poll had DeSantis up over Trump
nationally in a hypothetical 2024 matchup, 42–35. A new 2024 poll in Texas has
DeSantis up by a similar 43–32. And a WPA Intelligence poll has DeSantis beating
Trump in Iowa, New Hampshire, Florida, and Georgia.
There
will have to be much more of that to signal that a fundamental, enduring shift
has taken place and to coax party leaders out of their long defensive crouch.
The party won’t decide to turn against Trump until voters give it clear,
unmistakable permission.
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